Siim, Birte, and Hege Skjeie. ‘Tracks, Intersections and Dead Ends: Multicultural Challenges to State Feminism in Denmark and Norway’. (2008) [PDF]

Siim, Birte, and Hege Skjeie. ‘Tracks, Intersections and Dead Ends: Multicultural Challenges to State Feminism in Denmark and Norway’. Ethnicities, vol. 8, no. 3, Sept. 2008, pp. 322–344.

This article discusses multicultural challenges to state feminism in Denmark and Norway, focusing both on similarities and differences in the two countries policy responses. In spite of important differences, we point towards similar problems and dilemmas in the public responses to multiculturalism and diversity among women connected to a state feminist agenda that in both countries has been rather one-sided in its conception of what women-friendliness may imply. The first part of the paper expands on institutional ‘tracks’: (Variations in) state feminist traditions, in religious traditions, and in the inclusion of organizations of civil society in political power. The second part explores the framing of the hijab as a political issue of ‘intersections’ of gender equality versus religious belongings. The third part investigates what we see as a ‘dead end’ in policy making to prevent violations of women’s rights; that is the general, age based, restrictions on family unification as a means to combat forced marriages. Finally, we emphasise the importance of participatory women-friendly politics that include all who are affected by political decisions.

doi:10.1177/1468796808092446.

PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/251503744_Tracks_intersections_and_dead_ends_Multicultural_challenges_to_state_feminism_in_Denmark_and_Norway

Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, and Annika Lindberg. ‘Enforcing Apartheid?: The Politics of “Intolerability” in the Danish Migration and Integration Regimes’. (2019)

Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, and Annika Lindberg. ‘Enforcing Apartheid?: The Politics of “Intolerability” in the Danish Migration and Integration Regimes’. Migration and Society, vol. 2, no. 1, Berghahn Journals, June 2019, pp. 90–97.

Across Northern European states, we can observe a proliferation of “hostile environments” targeting racialized groups. This article zooms in on Denmark and discusses recent policy initiatives that are explicitly aimed at excluding, criminalizing, and inflicting harm on migrants and internal “others” by making their lives “intolerable.” We use the example of Danish deportation centers to illustrate how structural racism is institutionalized and implemented, and then discuss the centers in relation to other recent policy initiatives targeting racialized groups. We propose that these policies must be analyzed as complementary bordering practices: externally, as exemplified by deportation centers, and internally, as reflected in the development of parallel legal regimes for racialized groups. We argue that, taken together, they enact and sustain a system of apartheid.

doi:10.3167/arms.2019.020109.

https://www.berghahnjournals.com/view/journals/migration-and-society/2/1/arms020109.xml.

Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, Annika Lindberg, and José Arce-Bayona. Stop Killing Us Slowly: A Research Report on the Motivation Enhancement Measures and the Criminalisation of Rejected Asylum Seekers in Denmark. (2018) [PDF]

Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, Annika Lindberg, and José Arce-Bayona. Stop Killing Us Slowly: A Research Report on the Motivation Enhancement Measures and the Criminalisation of Rejected Asylum Seekers in Denmark. The Freedom of Movements Research Collective, 2018,

Executive summary:

According to the Danish Minister of Immigration and Integration, the Danish deportation centres Sjælsmark and Kærshovedgård are set up to ‘make life intolerable’3 for those rejected asylum-seekers who cannot immediately be detained or deported, thereby pressuring them into leaving Denmark ‘voluntarily’. As part of the motivation enhancement measures introduced into the Danish Aliens Act in 1997 the deportation centres confine asylum seekers in geographically isolated ‘open’ institutions with low living standards and minimum welfare provisions. However, these measures have not fulfilled their official function. Instead of making more people return ‘voluntarily’, they have pushed rejected asylum seekers into illegality, while others remain stuck and de facto confined in deportation centres for a potentially indefinite time period. This report gives an overview of the setup of the deportation centres and analyses how the discrepancy be-tween the intended and real effects may be interpreted. It asks: what are the functions of deporta-tion centres based on their real, rather than politically declared effects? Addressing this question, the report finds the following:

• The deportation centres in particular and the motivation enhancement measures in general, do not fulfil their declared function of increasing ‘voluntary’ returns, nor do they address the issue of migrants who are legally stranded for lengthy periods of time with very circumscribed rights.

• The legal frameworks regulating detention or prisons in Denmark (i.e. time limits, ac-cess to legal advice, rights guarantees) do not apply to deportation centres. Deporta-tion centres can therefore be compared to indefinite detention

.• The deportation centres result in the dras-tic deterioration of the mental and physical health of the men, women, and children ac-commodated there

• The political framework, the juridical setup and the daily rules and practices in depor-tation centres contribute to the criminalisa-tion of migrants and refugees

.• By running these practices in a legal grey zone, the Danish government circumvents – and overtly breaches – human rights reg-ulations at the same time locking residents in a situation with very limited possibilities to contest these conditions and claim their human rights.

• While failing to achieve their own stated goals, the motivation enhancement meas-ures and the deportation centres do achieve making peoples’ lives intolerable: they break people’s spirits and minds and force them to live a life in illegality, outside of the justice- and rights system.~

PDF: http://refugees.dk/media/1757/stop-killing-us_uk.pdf.

Hansen, Bent Sigurd. ‘Something Rotten in the State of Denmark : Eugenics and the Ascent of the Welfare State’. (1996) [PDF]

Hansen, Bent Sigurd. ‘Something Rotten in the State of Denmark : Eugenics and the Ascent of the Welfare State’. Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilization Policy InDenmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland, Eds. Gunnar Broberg and Nils Roll-Hansen, Michigan State University Press, 1996.

https://helda.helsinki.fi/handle/10224/3617

PDF: https://helda.helsinki.fi/handle/10224/3617. https://helda.helsinki.fi/handle/10224/3617.

Koch, Lene. Racehygiejne i Danmark 1920-56. (1996)

Koch, Lene. Racehygiejne i Danmark 1920-56. 2. oplag, Kbh.: Gyldendal, 1996. Opsigtsvækkende kortlægning af den danske racehygiejnes historie i årene 1920-56. Og samtidig et – i disse år med diskussionen om genmanipulation – meget relevant debatskabende værk om rammerne for videnskabelighed og for kontakten mellem det praktiske videnskabelige arbejde og den politiske virkelighed, der er med til at fastsætte målene for forskningen.

https://bibliotek.dk/linkme.php?rec.id=870970-basis%3A21214043

Hedetoft, Ulf Riber. ‘More than Kin and Less than Kind: The Danish Politics of Ethnic Consensus and the Pluricultural Challenge’. (2006)

Hedetoft, Ulf Riber. ‘More than Kin and Less than Kind: The Danish Politics of Ethnic Consensus and the Pluricultural Challenge’. National Identity and the Varieties of Capitalism: The Danish Experience, Eds. John L. Campbell, John A. Hall, and Ove Kaj Pedersen, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2006, 398–430.

https://vbn.aau.dk/en/publications/more-than-kin-and-less-than-kind-the-danish-politics-of-ethnic-co. https://vbn.aau.dk/en/publications/more-than-kin-and-less-than-kind-the-danish-politics-of-ethnic-co.

Horst, Christian. På ulige fod: Etniske minoritetsbørn som et skoleeksempel. (2017)

Horst, Christian. På ulige fod: Etniske minoritetsborn som et skoleeksempel. Aarhus Universitetsforlag, 2017.

PISA-undersøgelser har vist det mange gange: Etniske minoritetsbørn klarer sig dårligt i den danske folkeskole. FN’s komité mod racediskrimination, CERD, har kritiseret Danmark for forskelsbehandling af etniske minoritetselever og deres manglende repræsentation i det danske curriculum. I På ulige fod viser kultursociolog Christian Horst, at der er en sammenhæng mellem disse to forhold.

Samfundets flerkulturalitet er usynlig i folkeskolens centrale styringstekster. Når de etniske minoritetselever bliver synlige i teksterne, er det i særpositioner. Den etnisk danske elev er målestok for den normale elev og sætter rammerne for en almen læringssituation, hvor de etniske minoritetselever er på ulige fod med etnisk danske elever. Derfor kan man tale om institutionel og strukturel forskelsbehandling eller diskrimination.

Christian Horst belyser, hvordan universelle værdier som ligestilling og ligebehandling underlægges nationale interesser, der fungerer som et forsvar for og en legitimering af forskelsbehandling – i uddannelsessystemet og i hele samfundet. Det kommer til udtryk i fortolkningskampe om integration, der har afgørende indflydelse på etniske minoritetsbørns vilkår og muligheder i Danmark.

https://unipress.dk/udgivelser/p/p%C3%A5-ulige-fod/

Vinding, Niels Valdemar. ‘Discrimination of Muslims in Denmark’. (2020)

Vinding, Niels Valdemar. ‘Discrimination of Muslims in Denmark’. State, Religion and Muslims Between Discrimination and Protection at the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Levels, Eds. Melek Saral and Şerif Onur Bahçecik, Leiden: Brill, 2020, 144–196. brill.com,

This chapter investigates the question of discrimination of Muslims in the Danish context. This is considered across the branches of government, looking at political discourse and legislation, at ministerial administration and at the judiciary and quasi-judicial rulings. While both freedom of speech and freedom of religion are constitutionally guaranteed, and non-discrimination is protected across the branches of government, the current state of discourse on Muslims has the adverse effect of legitimising, condoning or even promoting discrimination of Muslims in Denmark. Analysing concrete cases across five major themes in discrimination against Muslims, the chapter finds a worrying tendency to explicitly legitimize and even normalize discrimination. National and international reports, studies and other sources all point to the particularly harsh and alienating discourse and debate on Muslims. Not only is discrimination against Muslims a challenge across all three branches of Danish government, but the perception of discrimination is particularly pertinent and little seems to be done by government to limit this. There is a political readiness and willingness to discriminate and to violate some of the foundational principles of both the constitution and Denmark’s international commitments, and government misses a number of important opportunities to right divisive wrongs in Danish society.

https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004421516/BP000005.xml.

Wren, Karen. ‘Cultural Racism: Something Rotten in the State of Denmark?’ (2001) [PDF]

Wren, Karen. ‘Cultural Racism: Something Rotten in the State of Denmark?’ Social & Cultural Geography, vol. 2, no. 2, Jan. 2001, pp. 141–162. Taylor and Francis+NEJM,

Cultural racism has found fertile territory in a post-industrial Europe experiencing economic crisis and social disintegration, but its manifestations vary between countries. Denmark, a country traditionally regarded as liberal and tolerant, experienced a fundamental shift in attitude during the early 1980s that has seen it emerge potentially as one of the most racist countries in Europe. Paradoxically, liberal values are used as justification for negative representations of ‘others’. This paper examines the place-specific manifestations of cultural racism in Denmark, which can be identified as essentially anti-Muslim and anti-refugee. Through the use of interviews with minority women, newspaper extracts and material propagated by far-right organizations, the paper traces the evolution of this discourse, identifying its key actors as: specific far-right anti-immigration groups; the media; and a culturally deterministic academic research tradition. The subtle manifestation of cultural racism in Denmark, coupled with inadequate anti-racist opposition or legislation, have rendered it particularly damaging, and ‘legitimated’ a range of racist policies and practices.

doi:10.1080/14649360120047788.

PDF: http://www1.geo.ntnu.edu.tw/~moise/Data/Books/Reach%20of%20culture/cultural%20racism.pdf.

Gudrun Jensen, Tina, Kristina Weibel, and Kathrine Vitus. ‘“There Is No Racism Here”: Public Discourses on Racism, Immigrants and Integration in Denmark’. (2017)

Gudrun Jensen, Tina, Kristina Weibel, and Kathrine Vitus. ‘“There Is No Racism Here”: Public Discourses on Racism, Immigrants and Integration in Denmark’. Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 51, no. 1, Jan. 2017, pp. 51–68.

Jensen, Weibel and Vitus’s article critically discusses contemporary Danish policies aimed at the elimination of ethnoracial discrimination, drawing on policy analyses and qualitative interviews with local and national authorities in Denmark. It illustrates how questions of discrimination and racism are marginalized and de-legitimized within the dominant integration discourse, resulting in the marginalization of anti-racism in policymaking. The side-stepping of racism is being naturalized in public policies through strategies of denial and by addressing discrimination as a product of ignorance and individual prejudice rather than as embedded in social structures. The authors examine how immigration, integration and (anti-)racism as concepts and phenomena are understood and addressed in Danish public policies and discourses. Despite denials of racism in Denmark, Jensen, Weibel and Vitus show that, based on re-definitions of identities and relations, it continues to exist and is evident in public debates and policies on immigration and integration.

doi:10.1080/0031322X.2016.1270844.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/0031322X.2016.1270844.

Ersbøll, Eva. ‘Biao v. Denmark – Discrimination among Citizens?’ (2014) [PDF]

Ersbøll, Eva. ‘Biao v. Denmark – Discrimination among Citizens?’ EUI Working Paper, no. 79, 2014, p. 24. Zotero.

On 25 March 2014 the European Court of Human Rights delivered a controversial judgment in a case on family reunion in Denmark, the Biao case. The applicants were a Danish national, Mr Ousmane Ghanian Biao, and his wife, a Ghanaian national, Mrs Asia Adamo Biao. They alleged that a refusal by the Danish authorities to grant them family reunion was in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) article 8, alone and in conjunction with article 14. The Danish authorities had refused the application for family reunion because the spouses did not fulfil the requirement that their aggregate ties to Denmark be stronger than their aggregate ties to any other state where they could live together – in this case Ghana (‘the attachment requirement’). They submitted that the decision breached their rights under article 8 of the ECHR since it did not pursue a legitimate aim on the ground that it was introduced to target Danish citizens of non-Danish ethnic or national origin. Alternatively, if the refusal was not deemed to be contrary to article 8, they claimed that it was contrary to the prohibition against discrimination, cf. ECHR article 14 read in conjunction with article 8, since particular groups of Danish citizens were treated differently in relation to family reunion in Denmark. In analogous circumstances, those who were born Danish citizens would be exempted from the attachment requirement according to the so-called ‘28-year rule’ which states that the requirement does not apply in cases where the resident person applying for family reunion has been a Danish citizen for 28 years cf. the Aliens Act section 9(7). The complaint regarding the attachment requirement’s conformity with article 8 will not be dealt with here. This paper will primarily deal with the question whether a state lawfully can treat its citizens differently solely on the basis of how and when they acquired their citizenship. In this context the significance of the European Convention on Nationality (ECN) article 5(2), will be analysed. Article 5(2) states that in matters of nationality, state parties shall be guided by the principle of non-discrimination between their citizens, whether they are citizens by birth or have acquired their citizenship subsequently.

PDF: https://cadmus.eui.eu/bitstream/handle/1814/32015/RSCAS_ERS%20_2014_79.pdf?sequence=1.

Dahl, Malte. Detecting Discrimination: How Group-Based Biases Shape Economic and Political Interactions : Five Empirical Contributions. (2019) [PDF]

Dahl, Malte. Detecting Discrimination: How Group-Based Biases Shape Economic and Political Interactions : Five Empirical Contributions. Cph: Dissertation. Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, 2019.

In this dissertation, I explore how group-based biases shape economic and political interactions between salient social groups. Specifically, I test if, when and how some individuals are treated differently because of their descriptive characteristics such as ethnicity or gender. I employ a series of experiments to uncover these questions. I apply a theoretical framework asserting that discrimination can be due to both personal preferences and strategic behaviour and draw upon insights from political behaviour and social psychology to better understand the theoretical underpinnings of discrimination. Specifically, I incorporate insights from a social cognition perspective, which offers a way to understand the cognitive processes by which people place others into social groups and how this shapes behaviour. From these perspectives, I lay out some propositions that I test in two empirical tracks across five research articles that all build on field or survey experiments. In the first track, I explore how social group categories shape citizens’ encounters with public managers and private employers during the hiring process in the Danish labour market. In two correspondence experiments in which equivalent job applications and cover letters with randomly assigned aliases were sent in response to job openings, I uncover differential treatment in hiring decisions. The experiments leave no doubt that immigrant-origin minorities are targets of significant discrimination. This differential treatment is startling considering the fact that applicants were highly qualified for the jobs they applied for. Going beyond existing work, I show that this is especially true when minorities are male or when female applicants wear a headscarf which suggests the importance of the intersection of ethnicity, gender and cues of cultural distinctiveness. Moreover, I find little evidence to indicate that immigrant-origin minorities can reduce this discrimination by indicating adherence to cultural norms. In the second track, I study the effect of group-based biases on the political representation of underrepresented groups. The research articles present compelling evidence that immigrant-origin minorities face significant barriers in obtaining substantive and descriptive political representation. In a field experiment, the third research article indicates the significant bias of incumbents in their direct communication with ethnic out-group constituents. This manifests itself directly in the legislator-constituent relationship: when constituents contact their local incumbents to retrieve information on the location of their polling station, minority voters are significantly less likely to receive a reply, and they receive replies of lower quality. Although the overall level of responsive- ness increases when politicians face strong electoral incentives, the bias persists. One important contribution is the discovery that immigrant-origin voters can identify more responsive politicians by paying attention to two types of heuristics regarding legislators: their partisan affiliation cues and their stated preferences on immigration policies. Departing from the finding that descriptive representation impacts substantive representation, the fourth research article explores reasons for the gap in political representation. Specifically, it investigates whether local political candidates with immigrant-origin names face barriers due to negative voter preferences. Building on a conjoint experiment, the article presents evidence indicat- ing that the electoral prospects of political candidates with immigrant-origin names are hampered because voters prefer ethnic in-group candidates. Strikingly, this is true in a high-information set- ting where voters are informed about candidates’ political experience, policy positions and party membership. Moreover, there is no evidence for a pro-male bias. Finally, in the last research article, I study the validity of the candidate conjoint experimental design. Specifically, I examine to what extent social desirability bias threatens validity and which tactics researchers can pursue to obtain reliable answers. The results indicate that social desirability bias may be a more minimal concern than what is often assumed. Taken together, the evidence from the five research articles provides insight into a deeply challenging social issue. There are often strong legal or normative arguments emphasizing why, in many socio-political interactions, individuals’ immutable group categories should be invisible. Inadequate representation and opportunities can have serious consequences and downstream electoral effects on a number of societal outcomes and have negative spill-over effects across social domains and time. The research articles indicate that discrimination appears to be hard to mitigate and immigrant- origin minorities have few tools at their disposal to reduce discrimination, which points to the need for institutional actions to eliminate barriers that inhibit individuals from attaining equal access.

PDF: https://menneskeret.dk/sites/menneskeret.dk/files/media/dokumenter/malte_dahl_forskning.pdf

Broberg, Gunnar, and Nils Roll-Hansen, editors. Eugenics and the Welfare State: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland. (2005)

Broberg, Gunnar, and Nils Roll-Hansen, editors. Eugenics and the Welfare State: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 2005. sci-hub.se,

In 1997 Eugenics and the Welfare State caused an uproar with international repercussions. This edition contains a new introduction by Broberg and Roll-Hansen, addressing events that occurred following the original publication. The four essays in this book stand as a chilling indictment of mass sterilization practices, not only in Scandinavia but in other European countries and the United States–eugenics practices that remained largely hidden from the public view until recently. Eugenics and the Welfare State also provides an in-depth, critical examination of the history, politics, science, and economics that led to mass sterilization programs in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland; programs put in place for the “betterment of society” and based largely on the “junk science” of eugenics that was popular before the rise of Nazism in Germany. When the results of Broberg’s and Roll-Hansen’s book were widely publicized in August 1997, the London Observer reported, “Yesterday Margot Wallstrom, the Swedish Minister for Social Policy, issued a belated reaction to the revelations. She said: ‘What went on is barbaric and a national disgrace.’ She pledged to create a law ensuring that involuntary sterilisation would never again be used in Sweden, and promised compensation to victims.” Ultimately, the Swedish government not only apologized to the many thousands who had been sterilized without their knowledge or against their will, but also put in place a program for the payment of reparations to these unfortunate victims.

https://muse.jhu.edu/book/40871

Bissenbakker, Mons, and Lene Myong. ‘Love Will Keep Us Together: Kærlighed og hvid transracialitet i protester mod danske familie- sammenføringsregler’. (2012) [PDF]

Bissenbakker, Mons, and Lene Myong. ‘Love Will Keep Us Together: Kærlighed og hvid transracialitet i protester mod danske familie- sammenføringsregler’. Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, vol. 36, no. 03–04, Universitetsforlaget, 2012, pp. 188–202.

De danske familiesammenføringsregler blev i 2010 genstand for kritik fra et borgerinitiativ, som i kærlighedens navn kæmpede for en lempelse af loven. Som politisk mobiliserende affekt lover kærligheden inklusion og frigørelse. Men risikerer den også at gentage racialiserede og seksuelle hierarkier? På hvilke præmisser kan seksualpolitiske kritikker udfordre disse hierarkier? Denne artikel søger at tage affekt alvorligt som politisk og analytisk fænomen, og den introducerer begrebet om hvid transracialitet som betegnelse for de underliggende magtformer, der informerer kærlighed som politisk protestform.

Denmark has imposed some of the strictest immigration laws in Europe since 2000. Consequently, family reunification in the country has become increasingly difficult for both immigrants and Danish nationals. This article looks at a political initiative called «Love without Borders» (LwB) and its attempt to mobilize the Danish public in a push to overturn the laws. LwB has generated momentum around the ideal of transraciality (straight, white subjects oriented towards reproduction and romantic love). At the same time, queer activists have offered  a political rebuke by pointing out how the laws (and in turn LwB’s critique) are built on heteronormative assumptions that ignore homosexuality. In both cases, however, love seems to promise affective ties to the nation, to the future, and to the political system in ways that sustain white hegemony. Building on Sara Ahmed’s reflections on love as cultural politics and Jasbir Puar’s notion of homonationalism, the article analyzes posters, viral videos and newspaper debates in its discussion of the promises and pitfalls of love as an affective political tool.

https://www.idunn.no/tfk/2012/03-04/love_will_keep_us_together_krlighed_og_hvid_transracialit

PDF: https://www.idunn.no/tfk/2012/03-04/love_will_keep_us_together_krlighed_og_hvid_transracialit. https://www.idunn.no/tfk/2012/03-04/love_will_keep_us_together_krlighed_og_hvid_transracialit

Bech, Emily Cochran, Kristian Kriegbaum Jensen, et al. ‘Hvem er folket? Flygtninge og adgangen til dansk statsborgerskab’. (2017) [PDF]

Bech, Emily Cochran, Kristian Kriegbaum Jensen, et al. ‘Hvem er folket? Flygtninge og adgangen til dansk statsborgerskab’. Politica., vol. 49, no. 3, 2017, pp. 227–248.

Danmark har nogle af de mest restriktive statsborgerskabsregler i Europa med krav om blandt andet langt ophold, sprog, viden, selvforsørgelse og kriminalitet. Statsborgerskab giver stemme- og opstillingsret til nationale valg og er dermed forudsætningen for fuld demokratisk inklusion. I dag står godt 376.000 voksne indbyggere uden statsborgerskab. På baggrund af registerdata undersøger vi, hvorvidt flygtninge, som indvandrede som voksne mellem 2001 og 2009, har kunnet opfylde kravene til sprog, selvforsørgelse og kriminalitet. Vi undersøger, hvilke krav der er mest ekskluderende, og hvor stor en forskel det ville gøre, hvis kravene lempedes. Herudover undersøges, hvor mange danske statsborgere med dansk oprindelse faktisk kan leve op til de gældende krav. Med det som udgangspunkt diskuterer vi kravenes implikationer for det danske demokrati, og hvorvidt det svarer til normative forestillinger om fairness.

PDF: https://politica.dk/fileadmin/politica/Dokumenter/politica_49_3/bech_et_al.pdf

Bech, Emily Cochran, Karin Borevi, et al. ‘A “Civic Turn” in Scandinavian Family Migration Policies? Comparing Denmark, Norway and Sweden’. (2017) [PDF]

Bech, Emily Cochran, Karin Borevi, et al. ‘A “Civic Turn” in Scandinavian Family Migration Policies? Comparing Denmark, Norway and Sweden’. Comparative Migration Studies, vol. 5, no. 1, Mar. 2017, p. 7.

Family migration policy, once basing citizens and resident foreigners’ possibilities to bring in foreign family members mainly on the right to family life, is increasingly a tool states use to limit immigration and to push newcomers to integrate into civic and economic life. The family migration policies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden range widely – from more minimal support and age requirements to high expectations of language skills, work records and even income levels. While in Denmark and increasingly in Norway growing sets of requirements have been justified on the need to protect the welfare state and a Nordic liberal way of life, in Sweden more minimal requirements have been introduced in the name of spurring immigrants’ labor market integration even as rights-based reasoning has continued to dominate. In all three countries, new restrictions have been introduced in the wake of the refugee crisis. These cases show how prioritizations of the right to family life vis-à-vis welfare-state sustainability have produced different rules for family entry, and how family migration policies are used to different extents to push civic integration of both new and already settled immigrants.

doi:10.1186/s40878-016-0046-7.

PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314143800_A_%27civic_turn%27_in_Scandinavian_family_migration_policies_Comparing_Denmark_Norway_and_Sweden.

Andersen, Simon Calmar, and Thorbjørn Sejr Guul. ‘Reducing Minority Discrimination at the Front Line—Combined Survey and Field Experimental Evidence’. (2019) [PDF]

Andersen, Simon Calmar, and Thorbjørn Sejr Guul. ‘Reducing Minority Discrimination at the Front Line—Combined Survey and Field Experimental Evidence’. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 2019.

Despite laws of universalistic treatment, bureaucrats have been shown to discriminate against minorities. A crucial question for public administration is how bureaucracies can be organized in ways that minimize illegitimate discrimination. Especially, since theories suggest that prejudices happen unintentionally and particularly under high workload, bureaucrats’ working conditions may be important. Four randomized experiments support the notion that bureaucrats discriminate as a way of coping with high workload. Most notably, a field experiment randomly assigned teachers to reduced workloads by giving them resources to have more time with the same group of students. In a subsequent survey experiment—using a fictitious future scenario unrelated to the resources provided in the field experiment—discrimination was minimized in the field treatment group, but persisted in the control group.The results thereby support the notion that even though discrimination among bureaucrats does not (only) occur in a reflective manner it can be reduced by altering the way bureaucrats’ work is organized.

doi:10.1093/jopart/muy083.

PDF: https://childresearch.au.dk/fileadmin/childresearch/dokumenter/Publikationer/Reducing_Minority_Discrimination_on_the_Front_Line_-_Combined_Survey_and_Field_Experimental_Evidence.pdf.

Agergaard, Sine, et al. ‘Politicisation of Migrant Leisure: A Public and Civil Intervention Involving Organised Sports’. (2016) [PDF]

Agergaard, Sine, et al. ‘Politicisation of Migrant Leisure: A Public and Civil Intervention Involving Organised Sports’. Leisure Studies, vol. 35, no. 2, Mar. 2016, pp. 200–214. Taylor and Francis+NEJM,

Using the perspective of governmentality this article aims to contribute to an understanding of the rationalities of specific political interventions, and the techniques used to monitor the leisure activities of particular target groups. This process of politicization is revealed here through a case study of an intervention that provides sporting activities in holiday periods for migrant children and adolescents living in so-called socially disadvantaged areas (DGI Playground). The analysis highlights the rationality that the leisure time of migrant youth is a potentially dangerous time slot and they must be engaged in organized sports; that is not only healthy but also civilizing and character forming leisure time activities. Techniques of monitoring the intervention are developed in a partnership between public institutions, regional umbrella organizations and local sports clubs leading to a need for employment of welfare professionals. Furthermore, the article illustrates that in the discursive construction of subject positions for the target group, migrant youth tend to become clients and recipients of public services rather than potential members of civil sports clubs. These findings are supported by ethnographic interviews with participants that show how youngsters who took part in DGI Playground were able to reflect the official aim of the programme and relate this to their desire to have fun and hang out with their friends. The article ends with a discussion of the further scope of applying critical theoretical perspectives to studies of migrants’ leisure and sports activities.

PDF: https://portal.findresearcher.sdu.dk/files/112129858/Politicisation_of_migrant_leisure.pdf.

doi:10.1080/02614367.2015.1009848.