Haderup Larsen, Mikkel & Schaeffer, Merlin. Healthcare chauvinism during the COVID-19 pandemic. (2021). [PDF]

Haderup Larsen, Mikkel & Schaeffer, Merlin. Healthcare chauvinism during the COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 47(7), 2021, 1455–1473.

Social science research has produced evidence of welfare chauvinism whereby citizens turn against social policies that disproportionately benefit immigrants and their descendants. Some policymakers advocate welfare chauvinism as a means to incentivize fast labour market integration and assimilation into the mainstream more generally. These contested arguments about integration incentives can hardly be extended to the case of hospital treatment of an acute COVID-19 infection. On that premise we conducted a pre-registered online survey experiment among a representative sample of the Danish population about healthcare chauvinism against recent immigrants and Muslim minorities during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic of spring 2020. Our results show no evidence of blatant racism-driven healthcare chauvinism against acute COVID-19 patients with a Muslim name who were born in Denmark. However, we do find evidence of healthcare chauvinism against patients with a Danish/Nordic name who immigrated to Denmark only a year ago. Moreover, healthcare chauvinism against recently immigrated COVID-19 patients doubles in strength if they have a Muslim name. Our findings thus suggest that there is general reciprocity-motivated welfare chauvinism against recent immigrants who have not contributed to the welfare state for long and that racism against Muslims strongly catalyses this form of welfare chauvinism.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1860742

PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/348057345_Healthcare_chauvinism_during_the_COVID-19_pandemic

Esmark, Anders, & Mikkel Bech Liengaard. Does Ethnicity Affect Allocation of Unemployment-Related Benefits to Job Center Clients? A Survey-Experimental Study of Representative Bureaucracy in Denmark. (2022).

Esmark, Anders, & Mikkel Bech Liengaard. Does Ethnicity Affect Allocation of Unemployment-Related Benefits to Job Center Clients? A Survey-Experimental Study of Representative Bureaucracy in Denmark. Journal of Social Policy, 2022, 1–22.

The role of street-level bureaucracy in social policy has been taken up by two relatively distinct streams of research, based on Lipsky’s foundational work (2010). One group of literature has focused on the organizational working conditions, practices and coping mechanisms of street-level bureaucrats, their impact on the implementation of political programs and reforms, and the scope for discretion in the face of political pressures and institutional demands (Brodkin and Marston, 2013; Jessen and Tufte, 2014; Breit et al., 2016; Van Berkel et al., 2017; van Berkel, 2020). Starting from a focus on interaction with clients and the direct impact of discretionary decisions ‘on people’s lives’ (Lipsky, 2010, 8), a second group of studies has focused more on differences in allocation of benefits caused by perceived ‘deservingness’ and discrimination among street-level bureaucrats (Altreiter and Leibetseder, 2014; Terum et al., 2018; Jilke and Tummers, 2018).

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0047279422000034

Breidahl, Karen N. & Gina Gustavsson. Can we trust the natives? Exploring the relationship between national identity and trust among immigrants and their descendants in Denmark. (2022). [PDF]

Breidahl, Karen N. & Gina Gustavsson. Can we trust the natives? Exploring the relationship between national identity and trust among immigrants and their descendants in Denmark. Nations and Nationalism, 28(2), 2022, 592–611.

Politicians often seek to strengthen national identity by encouraging immigrants to adopt the ‘national values’, thus supposedly boosting trust. However, empirical studies of the social effects of national identity have focused almost exclusively on the native majority. In this article, we instead ask how national identity among immigrant minorities affects their trust, including towards natives. We draw on unique survey data from a representative sample of the five largest non-Western immigrant groups and their descendants in Denmark. This reveals that national belonging, national pride and citizenship preferences are positively linked to social as well as institutional trust. These relationships hold even when controlling for the perception of sharing one’s values with others and the extent to which one holds ‘typically Danish’ values widely shared among the majority population. This suggests that the emotional component of national identity, but not its content in the form of values, indeed forms an important basis for social cohesion.

PDF: https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12834

Kende, Judit, Julia Reiter, Canan Coşkan, Bertjan Doosje, and Eva G. T. Green, The Role of Minority Discrimination and Political Participation in Shaping Majority Perceptions of Discrimination: Two Cross-National Studies. (2022) [PDF]

Kende, Judit, Julia Reiter, Canan Coşkan, Bertjan Doosje, and Eva G. T. Green, The Role of Minority Discrimination and Political Participation in Shaping Majority Perceptions of Discrimination: Two Cross-National Studies, Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 2022

We develop a minority influence approach to multilevel intergroup research and examine whether country-level minority norms shape majority members? perceptions of discrimination. Defining minority norms via actual minority discrimination and political participation, we hypothesized that in national contexts with greater minority experiences of discrimination and greater minority political participation, majority perceptions of discrimination should be higher. We implemented two cross-national multilevel studies drawing on the European Social Survey and Eurobarometer data with 19,392 participants in 22 countries in Study 1, and with 17,651 participants in 19 countries in Study 2. Higher aggregate levels of minority discrimination were not related to greater acknowledgment of discrimination among majority members. However, higher aggregate minority political participation did relate to higher perceptions of discrimination in Studies 1 and 2. We conclude that country-level minority norms are consequential for majority attitudes, but these norms need to be actively communicated through political participation.

PDF: https://doi.org/10.1177/13684302221075711

Rafiqi, Arzoo, and Jens Peter Frølund Thomsen, Group Discrimination, Intergroup Contact, and Ethnic Minority Members’ Reactions toward the Majority. (2021) [PDF]

Rafiqi, Arzoo, and Jens Peter Frølund Thomsen, Group Discrimination, Intergroup Contact, and Ethnic Minority Members’ Reactions toward the Majority, Ethnicities, 21.1 (2021), 3–22

This study expands research on how intergroup contact makes ethnic minority members less prejudiced toward the majority group. Specifically, we propose that perceived group discrimination may serve as an essential boundary condition of the friendship?prejudice relationship. Accordingly, analyses show that: (a) cross-group friendship predicts less prejudice, (b) perceived group discrimination relates to greater prejudice only among noncontacted ethnic minority members, and (c) greater perceived group discrimination enhances the ability of cross-group friendship to predict reduced prejudice toward majority members. The enhancing effect is inconsistent with previous research. Moreover, we show that perceived personal discrimination does not moderate the friendship-prejudice relationship. Finally, analyses confirm the unique qualities of cross-group friendship, as perceived group discrimination does not predict greater prejudice when this type of contact is most intense. Analyses are performed on an unusually rich, national probability sample of ethnic minority members fielded in 2017 including 1211 respondents from Denmark. We conclude with discussion of the implications of our findings.

PDF: https://doi.org/10.1177/1468796820909493

Koob, Sigrid Alexandra, Marie Skibsted, Rasmus Brygger, Sofia Manili, and Mads Andreasen, Oplevet Etnisk Diskrimination i Danmark. (2023) [PDF]

Koob, Sigrid Alexandra, Marie Skibsted, Rasmus Brygger, Sofia Manili, and Mads Andreasen, Oplevet Etnisk Diskrimination i Danmark (Institut for Menneskerettigheder, 2023)

RESUMÉ
Institut for Menneskerettigheder er Danmarks nationale ligebehandlingsorgan.
Gennem undersøgelser og anbefalinger arbejder vi for at beskytte og fremme
ligebehandling i Danmark på tværs af etnicitet, køn, seksualitet og handicap.
Hvad angår ligebehandling af etniske minoriteter, har instituttet gennem talrige
undersøgelser dokumenteret, at der på flere specifikke samfundsområder er
udfordringer med diskrimination på baggrund af etnicitet.
Der er dog få undersøgelser i dansk kontekst, der forsøger at måle omfanget af
etnisk diskrimination på tværs af samfundsområder. Diskrimination er sjældent en
enkeltstående og isoleret hændelse, men forekommer ofte gentagne gange og
ofte på tværs af arbejdsliv, fritidsliv, uddannelse, sundhed med videre. Det er derfor
nødvendigt at forstå den samfundsmæssige kontekst, diskriminationen opstår i,
og hvordan normer og fordomme, der går på tværs af samfundet, kan medføre
diskrimination på tværs.

MeToo-bevægelsen rejste en vigtig diskussion om sexisme på det samfundsmæssige plan. #MeToo viste, hvor udbredt problemerne med sexisme er i samfundet, og hvorfor der er behov for handling. På samme måde er forhåbningen, at denne rapport kan være med til at tydeliggøre, at racisme er et problem i det danske samfund, som ligeledes kræver handling.
Racisme forstås i denne rapport bredt som diskrimination eller fordomme på grund af etnicitet. Racisme indebærer således ikke nødvendigvis et ønske om at stille etniske minoriteter ringere end andre. Diskrimination og fordomme kan også opstå på grund af misforståelser, manglende kendskab og unødige generaliseringer. Uagtet årsag kan racisme få alvorlige konsekvenser for dem, der bliver berørt.
Denne rapport udgør den hidtil mest omfattende undersøgelse af racisme i Danmark
med udgangspunkt i oplevet diskrimination og fordomme. Mens enkeltpersoners egne oplevelser ikke kan give et præcist billede af det faktiske omfang af diskrimination og fordomme, så kan oplevelser i kombination med den omfangsrige forskning, der henvises til i rapporten, tydeliggøre, at der er problemer, der skal løses.
Undersøgelsen tager udgangspunkt i voksne minoritetsetniske personer med
opvækst i Danmark – dvs. personer der enten er født i Danmark eller kommet hertil
som børn (herefter betegnet som minoritetsetniske personer). Overordnet viser
besvarelserne i undersøgelsen, at over 8 ud af 10 minoritetsetniske personer angiver,
at de har oplevet diskrimination eller fordomme inden for det seneste år. Over 6 ud af 10 minoritetsetniske personer angiver, at de har oplevelser, man som udgangspunkt kan karakterisere som ulovlig diskrimination. For mange er der ikke tale om en enkelt hændelse, men gentagne negative oplevelser på tværs af bl.a. arbejdsmarkedet, i det offentlige rum og i kontakten med myndigheder.

Det kan have omfattende konsekvenser for dem, der bliver udsat for diskrimination
eller fordomme. Undersøgelsen viser, at hver anden minoritetsetnisk person har
ændret adfærd, når de færdes i offentligheden. Samtidig føles behandlingen så
voldsom, at det har fået omkring hver tredje til at overveje at forlade Danmark.
Dette svarer til ca. 51.000-55.000 personer, der i 8 ud af 10 tilfælde enten er under
uddannelse eller i beskæftigelse i Danmark, men som føler sig fremmedgjorte i det
land, de er opvokset i.
Undersøgelsen finder bl.a.:

  • 84 procent af minoritetsetniske personer angiver, at de har oplevet diskrimination og fordomme på grund af deres etniske baggrund
  • 65 procent angiver, at de har oplevet (ulovlig) diskrimination på grund af deres
    etniske baggrund
  • Minoritetsetniske personer med synlige udtryk, der kan adskille dem fra resten af befolkningen (såsom fuldskæg og tørklæde) angiver i højere grad, at de oplever
    diskrimination og fordomme.
  • Omkring hver anden (48 procent) af dem, der har sendt en ansøgning, angiver, at de har oplevet at få afslag på grund af deres etniske baggrund. Dette gør sig særligt gældende ift. job, oplæring, bolig og bank.
  • Hver anden (49 procent) angiver, at de har fået dårligere service eller betjening
    på grund af deres etniske baggrund. Dette er bl.a. i butikker og spisesteder samt i sundhedsvæsenet og på uddannelsessteder.
  • Omkring hver fjerde (28 procent) angiver, at de er blevet nægtet adgang til steder, hvor andre gerne må komme ind på grund af deres etniske baggrund. Dette er
    særligt tilfældet i nattelivet.
  • Omkring hver tredje (29 procent) angiver, at de på grund af deres etniske baggrund er blevet stoppet af politiet uden anden umiddelbar årsag.
  • Hver ottende (12 procent) angiver, at de er blevet udsat for vold eller trusler
    på grund af deres etniske baggrund (hadforbrydelser). Voldsofre angiver, at
    forbipasserende sjældent griber ind.
  • 80 procent angiver, at de enten er blevet udsat for fornærmende ord, udelukket fra fællesskaber eller mødt med fordomme. Særligt unge mænd angiver derudover, at folk opfører sig, som om de er bange for dem.
  • Kun 11 procent af ofre for diskrimination angiver, at de har klaget efterfølgende.
    Dette skyldes særligt, at mange ikke har tiltro til, at det nytter noget.
  • 55 procent af minoritetsetniske personer angiver, at de på grund af deres etniske baggrund har ændret adfærd i det offentlige rum. Mange tilpasser hvordan de går, taler eller fremstår eller undgår at tale deres families modersmål i det offentlige
    rum. Flere angiver, at de har skiftet navn eller undgår at bære religiøse symboler.
  • 38 procent angiver, at de overvejer at forlade Danmark som følge af deres
    oplevelser med diskrimination og fordomme.
    ANBEFALING
    Den daværende socialdemokratiske regering indgik en aftale med
    SF, Radikale Venstre, Enhedslisten, Alternativet og Kristendemokraterne om, at
    der med midler fra Finansloven 2022 skulle udarbejdes en handlingsplan mod
    racisme. Formålet med en handlingsplan er at bekæmpe racisme bredt i samfundet og omhandle arbejdsmarkedet, kulturlivet og indsatsen mod hadforbrydelser mv.
    Samtidig skal racismens omfang og karakter kortlægges. Handlingsplanen er endnu ikke udarbejdet.
    På baggrund af de omfangsrige oplevelser med diskrimination og fordomme på
    baggrund af etnicitet vist i denne rapport vurderer instituttet, at der fortsat er behov for en ambitiøs handlingsplan. Den skal sikre en koordineret indsats på tværs af samfundsområder og kunne håndtere de beskrevne problemer med racisme mod minoritetsetniske personer i Danmark.
    Institut for Menneskerettigheder anbefaler, at:
  • Udlændinge- og Integrationsministeriet udarbejder en handlingsplan mod racisme.
    LÆSEVEJLEDNING
    Rapportens første kapitel beskriver undersøgelsens metode og centrale begreber,
    mens andet kapitel gennemgår den retlige ramme, bl.a. menneskeretten og
    centrale juridiske begreber. Kapitel 3 præsenterer undersøgelsens hovedresultater.
    Her kortlægges omfanget af diskrimination og fordomme bredt set på tværs af de forskellige samfundsområder. Derudover gennemgår kapitlet de generelle tendenser, hvad angår, hvem der oftest oplever diskrimination eller fordomme. Kapitel 4-9 fokuserer hver især på de enkelte områder (afslag på ansøgninger, dårligere service,
    nægtet adgang, etnisk profilering, voldelige hadforbrydelser samt fordomme). Hvert kapitel præsenterer hovedtendenserne samt opsummerer den relevante viden og lovgivning på området og indeholder hertil en udvalgt personlig fortælling, der berører kapitlets tematik. Endelig præsenterer kapitel 10 reaktioner på diskrimination og fordomme, mens kapitel 11 præsenterer konsekvenser i form af ændret adfærd

PDF: https://menneskeret.dk/udgivelser/oplevet-etnisk-diskrimination-danmark

Pedersen, Mogens Jin, and Vibeke Lehmann Nielsen, Understanding Discrimination: Outcome-Relevant Information Does Not Mitigate Discrimination. (2022)

Pedersen, Mogens Jin, and Vibeke Lehmann Nielsen, Understanding Discrimination: Outcome-Relevant Information Does Not Mitigate Discrimination, Social Problems, 2022, spac006

People experience discrimination across a variety of domains, including at work and in dealings with public institutions, but what makes some individuals discriminate against others? Two dominant scholarly approaches—“statistical” and “taste-based”—offer different explanations. Statistical discrimination models imply that discrimination occurs because of incomplete information (informational bias), whereas taste-based discrimination models emphasize more elusive and deep-rooted cognitive biases. Adding new insights into whether discrimination is “statistical” or “taste-based,” this article examines how providing information that reduces informational bias affects discrimination. Using a preregistered survey experimental design, a representative sample of Danish residents (n = 2,024) are exposed to three unique vignettes, each involving a choice of service provider (general practitioner, babysitter, and house cleaner). Relating to gender and nativity stereotypes, we manipulate the gender of the general practitioners and the babysitters, and the country of origin of the house cleaners. Moreover, we manipulate exposure to rating cues about the service providers’ task performance, thus mitigating informational bias to some extent. Contrasting the expectations of statistical discrimination models, the performance ratings cues do not mitigate discrimination. Across all three vignettes, the participants exhibit stereotypical preferences, and the performance rating cues do not affect these discriminatory biases.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spac006

Breidahl, Karen Nielsen, Troels Fage Hedegaard, Kristian Kongshøj, and Christian Albrekt Larsen. Migrants’ Attitudes and the Welfare State: The Danish Melting Pot. (2021)

Breidahl, Karen Nielsen, Troels Fage Hedegaard, Kristian Kongshøj, and Christian Albrekt Larsen. Migrants’ Attitudes and the Welfare State: The Danish Melting Pot. Northampton: Edward Elgar Pub, 2021,

Analysing two major surveys of 14 different migrant groups connected to Danish register data, this insightful book explores what migrants think of the welfare state. It investigates the question of whether migrants assimilate to the ideas of extensive state intervention in markets and families or if they retain the attitudes and values that are prevalent in their countries of origin.The authors examine what various migrant groups from countries including Poland, Romania, Spain, the UK, China, Japan, Turkey, Russia, the US, Pakistan, Lebanon, Iraq and the former-Yugoslavia living in Denmark think about the trustworthiness of state institutions, state responsibility, economic redistribution, female employment and childcare. Chapters also cover the key issues of national identification, social trust and welfare nationalism. Concluding that migrants from diverse backgrounds assimilate well into the welfare attitudes, norms and values of the Danish people in several areas, the book points to the potential assimilative impact of the welfare state. Incorporating new theoretical discussions, this book will be critical reading for academics and students studying migration and welfare states. It will also be a useful resource for comparative migration researchers interested in the impact of the host country context on migrants’ assimilation patterns.

https://www.e-elgar.com/shop/gbp/migrants-attitudes-and-the-welfare-state-9781800376335.html.

Juhl Jørgensen, Frederik. How to Develop Policies That Foster Refugee Integration and Are Supported by Voters. (2020) [PDF]

Juhl Jørgensen, Frederik. How to Develop Policies That Foster Refugee Integration and Are Supported by Voters. Dissertation. Aarhus University, 2020,

This dissertation contributes to our understanding of a fundamental policy challenge that refugee-receiving countries face: how to develop policies that foster integration and are supported by voters. It splits this challenge into two. On the one hand, there is the policy goal of promoting integration. This leads to research question 1: how does integration policies affect refugee integration. On the other hand, policy makers face the electoral constraint that policies need to be supported by voters. This leads to research question 2: does refugees’ integration success or failure affect public support for policy. The dissertation takes its theoretical point of departure in two contrasting theoretical paradigms that structure the debates about integration policy. One paradigm, argues that strict policies—such as limited benefits or forced placement—promote integration. The contrasting paradigm, holds that lenient policies—like equal benefits or voluntary placement—catalyze social mobility and integration. I study these contrasting expectations in the context of two Danish policy reforms: the start help policy and the forced placement policy. Combined, these policies have formed the backbone of Danish integration policy for the past two decades. The start help policy lowered refugees’ social assistance benefits by up to 50 percent for new refugees who obtained residency after July 1 2002. The forced placement policy fundamentally changed the Danish dispersal system as of January 1 1999: new refugees who obtained residency after this date were subject to forced placement, whereas refugees who arrived earlier were placed on a voluntary basis. I exploit these cutoffs in regression dis- continuity designs that just like controlled randomized experiments control for all confounding factors by design. The reforms provide rigorous research designs (i.e., natural experiments) for causal identification. My data are based on the Danish national registers and combine information about the treatments (i.e., the cutoffs) with information on relevant integration outcomes. Overall, the findings show that the start help and forced placement policy are too strict if the aim is to maximize integration. For policy design, this means that policy makers should reassess current policies: they should pro- vide refugees with equal benefits to prevent negative effects from economic deprivation and remove restrictions on relocation to leverage synergy effects between individual characteristics and place characteristics. Theoretically, the findings support the paradigm, which argues that equal benefits and voluntary placement catalyze social mobility and integration. These results align with recent studies, which show that less restrictive policies—i.e., fewer restrictions 87 on citizenship acquisition (Hainmueller et al. 2015; 2017a; 2019), faster processing of asylum applications (Hainmueller et al. 2016; Hvidtfeldt et al. 2018), protection of unauthorized immigrants (Orrenius and Zavodny 2012; Hainmueller et al. 2017b), and fewer restrictions on asylum seekers’ possibility of employment (Marbach et al. 2018)—are catalysts of integration. In spite of this evidence, we continuously experience that policy makers tighten integration policies and thereby decrease refugees’ chances of success- ful integration. One plausible reason for the mismatch between the supply of policies and the aim of maximizing integration is that domestic voters demand strict policies (Lawrence and Sides 2014; Hopkins et al. 2019). This constrains policy makers’ ability to deliver policies that achieve the goal of promoting integration. The last part of the dissertation moves on to study this policy constraint and explores strategies that can potentially create leeway to develop less strict policies that would promote integration. This part of the dissertation examines whether it is possible to promote citizens preferences regarding integration policy by providing them with information about refugees’ actual integration success or failure. In particular, we conduct a large-scale survey experiment that isolates the effects of correct information about non-Western immigrants’ welfare dependency rates, their crime rates, and their overall size in relation to the total population. Two opposing views structure the theoretical expectations to the impacts of this type of information. One view that draws on Bayesian learning models argues that citizens use information to update their evaluations of immigrants’ integration performance into the host society. In this logic, the provision of information may be expected to promote more positive preferences regarding policy (Sides and Citrin 2007; Nadeau et al. 1993). Another view holds that people acknowledge correct information and update their factual beliefs, but reinterpret the information in a selective fashion that justifies their existing opinions (Gaines et al. 2007). In this logic, the provision of information has little, if any, influence on citizens’ policy preferences. In line with previous work, the findings first show that citizens’ are very skeptical of non-Western immigrants and markedly exaggerate problems related to immigration. In addition, there is a strong correlation between skepticism and support for anti-immigration policies. This demonstrates that pol- icy makers indeed face pronounced electoral constraints when designing integration policy. Second, the results demonstrate that while participants update their factual beliefs in light of correct information, they remain unwilling to change their policy preferences. These findings support conclusions from ear- lier work (Lawrence and Sides 2014; Hopkins et al. 2019). As a novel finding, we show that the link between facts and policy beliefs breaks down because people interpret the correct information in a belief-consistent manner that al- lows them to avoid using the new information to guide their policy prefer- ences. Overall, this means policy makers seemingly cannot rely on “explaining the facts” as a strategy to promote more favorable integration policy views and thereby create leeway to develop less strict policies that would foster integra- tion.

Dansk resumé Lande der modtager flygtninge står over for den fundamentale politiske ud- fordring: hvordan udvikles politikker der fremmer integrationen og som samtidig bakkes op af vælgerne. Afhandlingen bidrager til forståelsen af problemstilling, og inddeler udfordringen i to forskningsspørgsmål. På den ene side er der målet om at udvikle politikker, der fremmer integrationen, hvilket fører til forskningsspørgsmål 1: hvordan påvirker integrationspolitikker flygtninges integration. På den anden side begrænses politiske beslutningstagere af, at det er nødvendigt at politikkerne møder opbakning i befolkningen. Dette fører til forskningsspørgsmål 2: påvirker flygtninges integrationssucces eller -fiasko befolkningens opbakningen til policy. Afhandlingen tager sit teoretiske afsæt i to modsatrettede teoretiske paradigmer, som ofte strukturerer debatten omhandlende integrationspolitik. Det første paradigme argumenterer for, at strengere politikker, såsom begrænset adgang til overførselsindkomster eller tvungen placering, fremmer integrationen. Det andet paradigme argumenterer modsat for, at mindre strenge politikker, såsom lige adgang til overførselsindkomster eller frivillig placering, fremskynder social mobilitet og integration. Til at studere disse modsatrettede forventninger anvender jeg henholdsvis den danske starthjælpsreform og reformen af den danske placeringspolitik, der tilsammen har udgjort rygraden af dansk integrationspolitik de seneste to årtier. Starthjælpspolitikken nedsatte flygtninges overførselsindkomst med op til 50 procent for nye flygtninge, der opnåede opholdstilladelse efter 1. juli 2002. Den danske placeringspolitik blev fundamentalt ændret fra 1. januar 1999, hvor spredningen af flygtninge overgik fra et frivilligt til tvunget regime. Jeg udnytter disse tærskler i regressionsdiskontinuitetsdesigns, der ligesom randomiserede eksperimenter per konstruktion kontrollerer for alternative forklaringer. Reformerne udgør dermed naturlige eksperimenter og stringente forskningsdesigns for kausal inferens. Mit data er baseret på de national danske registre og kombinerer information omkring reformernes tærskelværdier med information omkring relevante integrationsvariable. Overordnet viser resultaterne, at starthjælpen og tvungen placering er for stramme, såfremt målet er, at fremme integrationen. For policy betyder det, at de politiske beslutningstagere bør genoverveje disse politikker. Konkret bør de give flygtninge ret til regulære overførselsindkomster for at forhindre de negative konsekvenser der følger af økonomiske afsavn. Endvidere bør de fjerne den tvungne placering, der forhindrer udnyttelsen af potentielle positive synergieffekter, der måtte være mellem flygtninges og deres placerings karakteristika. Teoretisk støtter resultaterne det andet paradigme, der argumenterer for, at lige overførselsindkomster og frivillig placering fremskynder social mobilitet og integration. Resultaterne flugter ned den seneste forskning, der viser, at færre begrænsninger på erhvervelsen af statsborgerskab (Hainmueller et al. 2015; 2017a; 2019), hurtigere behandling af asylansøgninger (Hainmueller et al. 2016; Hvidtfeldt et al. 2018), beskyttelse af illegale indva drer (Orrenius and Zavodny 2012; Hainmueller et al. 2017b), samt færre begrænsninger af asylansøgeres muligheder for at arbejde (Marbach et al. 2018) fremmer integrationen. På trods af disse resultater oplever vi en stadig stigende tendens til, at de politiske beslutningstagere strammer forskellige integrationspolitikker. Der- med besværliggør de faktisk flygtninges integration fremfor at hjælpe den på vej. En potentiel årsag til dette misforhold mellem målet om at fremme integrationen og politikudbuddet er, at vælgerne rent faktisk efterspørger disse politikker (Lawrence and Sides 2014; Hopkins et al. 2019), og dermed begrænser beslutningstagernes muligheder for at udvikle alternativer, der kan levere på målet om at fremskynde integrationen. Den sidste del af afhandlingen beskæftiger sig med disse vælgermæssige begrænsninger, og udforsker strategier, beslutningstagerne potentielt kan an- vende til at skabe sig selv spillerum til at udvikle politikker, der fremmer integrationen. Denne del af afhandlingen undersøger, om det er muligt at fremme vælgernes præferencer for integrationspolitik ved at præsentere dem for in- formation om flygtninges faktiske integration. Konkret anvender vi et survey-eksperiment til at isolere effekterne af at give vores respondenter korrekt in- formation om ikke-vestlige indvandreres afhængighed af overførselsindkomster, deres kriminalitetsrater samt størrelsen af den ikke-vestlige indvandrer- befolkning relativt til den samlede befolkning. To modsatrette perspektiver strukturerer hvordan denne type information kan forventes at påvirke respondenterne. Det første perspektiv, der baserer sig på bayesianske læringsmodeller, argumenterer for, at vælgere anvender information til at opdatere deres evalueringer af immigranternes faktiske integration. Følgeligt forventes det, at de justerer deres policy præferencer i en mere positiv retning (Sides and Citrin 2007; Nadeau et al. 1993). Det andet perspektiv anerkender at vælgerne måske anvender information til at opdatere deres faktiske overbevisninger, men argumenterer modsat for, at de fortolker information på selektiv vis således de er i stand til at retfærdiggøre deres eksisterende meninger (Gaines et al. 2007). Dermed kan det ikke forventes, at information har nogen effekt på deres policy præferencer. På linje med den eksisterende litteratur viser mine resultater for det første, at vælgerne er meget skeptiske overfor ikke-vestlige indvandrere, og markant overestimerer problemer relaterer til denne immigration. Derudover viser resultaterne, at der er en stærk korrelation mellem at være skeptisk og fore- trække stramme politikker. Samlet viser det, at beslutningstager står overfor markante elektorale begrænsninger i deres overvejelser om udformningen af integrationspolitikker. For det andet viser resultaterne, at vores respondenter er parate til at opdatere deres faktiske overbevisninger i lyset af ny information, men de forbliver modvillige i forhold til at justere deres policy præferencer. Dette underbygger konklusionerne fra tidligere studier i andre kontekster (Lawrence and Sides 2014; Hopkins et al. 2019). Vi viser samtidig, at linket mellem fakta og policy bryder sammen, fordi vores respondenter fortolker den nye information på en måde, der er i overensstemmelse med deres eksisterende meninger, hvilket retfærdiggør at de undgår at anvende den nye information til at guide deres policy præference. Samlet set betyder det, at beslutningstagerne tilsyneladende ikke kan regne med, at det er tilstrækkeligt at for- klare de faktiske forhold, som en strategi til at fremme mere favorable integrationspolitiske holdninger og dermed skabe sig selv et spillerum til at ud- vikle politikker, der fremskynder integrationen.

PDF: https://politica.dk/fileadmin/politica/Dokumenter/ph.d.-afhandlinger/frederik_juhl.pdf.

Lövheim, Mia, Haakon H. Jernsletten, David Herbert, Knut Lundby, and Stig Hjarvard. ‘Attitudes: Tendencies and Variations’. (2018) [PDF]

Lövheim, Mia, Haakon H. Jernsletten, David Herbert, Knut Lundby, and Stig Hjarvard. ‘Chapter 2 Attitudes: Tendencies and Variations’. Contesting ReligionThe Media Dynamics of Cultural Conflicts in Scandinavia, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2018. DeGruyter,

This chapter presents an overview of religiosity and attitudes to religious diversity in media and other public spaces based on a cross-Scandinavian survey conducted in 2015. Although Scandinavians in general have a weak personal connection to religion, Christianity still holds a privileged position as an expression of cultural identity. Scandinavians express support for equal rights to practice religion, but also doubtfulness towards public expressions of religion. More than one-fourth of respondents discuss news about religion and religious extremism regularly. There is a widespread sentiment that Islam is a threat to the national culture, even though most respondents state that they oppose an open expression of hostile attitudes towards foreigners. Political orientation and gender are salient aspects that shape diverging opinions regarding tolerance or scepticism towards the public visibility of religious diversity. Furthermore, Danes and Norwegians are more critical of public expressions of Islam than Swedes.

doi:10.1515/9783110502060-007.

PDF: https://www.degruyter.com/view/books/9783110502060/9783110502060-007/9783110502060-007.xml.

Lundby, Knut, Stig Hjarvard, Mia Lövheim, and Haakon H. Jernsletten. ‘Religion between Politics and Media: Conflicting Attitudes towards Islam in Scandinavia’. (2018) [PDF]

Lundby, Knut, Stig Hjarvard, Mia Lövheim, and Haakon H. Jernsletten. ‘Religion between Politics and Media: Conflicting Attitudes towards Islam in Scandinavia’. Journal of Religion in Europe, vol. 10, no. 4, Nov. 2017, pp. 437–456.

Based on a comparative project on media and religion across Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, this article analyzes relationships between religiosity and political attitudes in Scandinavia and how these connect with attitudes regarding the representation of Islam in various media. Data comes from population-wide surveys conducted in the three countries in April 2015. Most Scandinavians relate ‘religion’ with conflict, and half of the population perceives Islam as a threat to their national culture. Scandinavians thus perceive religion in terms of political tensions and predominantly feel that news media should serve a critical function towards Islam and religious conflicts. Finally, the results of the empirical analysis are discussed in view of the intertwined processes of politicization of Islam and mediatization of religion.

doi:10.1163/18748929-01004005.

PDF: http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/18748929-01004005.

Pedersen, Mogens Jin, Justin M. Stritch, and Frederik Thuesen. ‘Punishment on the Frontlines of Public Service Delivery: Client Ethnicity and Caseworker Sanctioning Decisions in a Scandinavian Welfare State’. (2018) [PDF]

Pedersen, Mogens Jin, Justin M. Stritch, and Frederik Thuesen. ‘Punishment on the Frontlines of Public Service Delivery: Client Ethnicity and Caseworker Sanctioning Decisions in a Scandinavian Welfare State’. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, vol. 28, no. 3, June 2018, pp. 339–354.

Many public welfare programs give public employees discretionary authority to dispense sanc- tions when clients do not follow or comply with the policies and procedures required for receiving welfare benefits.Yet research also shows that public employees’ use of discretion in decision-mak- ing that affects clients can occasionally be marked by racial biases and disparities. Drawing on the Racial Classification Model (RCM) for a theoretical model, this article examines how client ethnicity shapes public employees’ decisions to sanction clients. Using Danish employment agencies as our empirical setting, we present findings from two complementary studies. Study 1 uses nationwide administrative data. Examining sanctioning activity at the employment agency-level, we find that agencies with a larger percentage of clients being non-Western immigrants or their descendants impose a greater overall number of sanctions and dispense them with greater frequency. Study 2 uses survey experimental data to build on this finding. Addressing concerns about internal val- idity and a need for analyses at the individual employee-level, we present survey experimental evidence that employment agency caseworkers are more likely to recommend sanctions for ethnic minority (Middle-Eastern origin) clients than for ethnic majority (Danish origin) clients. Moreover, we investigate how three caseworker characteristics—ethnicity, gender, and work experience— condition the relationship between client ethnicity and caseworkers’ decisions to sanction clients. Although we find no moderation effects for ethnicity or gender, work experience appears to dimin- ish the influence of client ethnicity on the caseworkers’ sanctioning decisions. Overall, our studies support the likelihood that ethnic minority clients will be punished more often for policy infractions than ethnic majority clients—and that caseworker work experience mitigates part of this bias.

doi:10.1093/jopart/muy018.

PDF: https://pure.au.dk/portal/files/163177993/Punishment_on_the_Frontlines_of_Public_Service_Delivery_Accepted_manuscript_2018.pdf.

Petersen, Niels Bjørn Grund. ‘Disciplining the Strong? Discrimination of Service Users and the Moderating Role of PSM and Ability to Cope’. (2021)

Petersen, Niels Bjørn Grund. ‘Disciplining the Strong? Discrimination of Service Users and the Moderating Role of PSM and Ability to Cope’. Public Management Review, vol. 23, no. 2, Feb. 2021, pp. 168–188.

Ethnic stereotypes influence frontline workers’ decision-making, which challenges the legitimacy of public organizations. In this article, we examine how ethnic stereotypes affect caseworkers’ sanctioning behaviour in a context where the client group consists of highly vulnerable clients. Using survey experimental vignettes and qualitative interviews, we find that social caseworkers use ethnic classification in their decision-making. However, contrary to our expectations, caseworkers are less likely to sanction clients with a nonwestern ethnicity compared to ethnic Danish clients. In addition, the article finds novel evidence indicating that employee traits mitigate the use of ethnic stereotypes.

doi:10.1080/14719037.2019.1668469.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14719037.2019.1668469.

Storm, Ingrid. ‘«Christian Nations»? Ethnic Christianity and Anti-Immigration Attitudes in Four Western European Countries’. (2011) [PDF]

Storm, Ingrid. ‘«Christian Nations»? Ethnic Christianity and Anti-Immigration Attitudes in Four Western European Countries’. Nordic Journal of Religion & Society, vol. 24, no. 1, May 2011, pp. 75–96.

Despite a general decline in religious belief and practice in Europe, questions of national religious heritage have become increasingly salient in recent public debates about immigration and integration. Using data from the 2008 International Social Survey Programme (Religion III module), this study explores associations between individual religiosity and attitudes to immigration in four Western European countries: Great Britain, the Netherlands, Ireland and Denmark. Multivariate analysis reveals contrasting associations. Identifying with a Christian religion makes one more likely to think immigration is a threat to national identity, whereas regular church attendance reduces this effect. Despite national differences, the results from all four countries indicate a prevalence of Cultural or Ethnic Christianity, where religion is used to identify with national traditions or ethnic heritage rather than faith.

https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/publications/christian-nations-ethnic-christianity-and-antiimmigration-attitudes-in-four-western-european-countries(6b3a6051-eff8-4cda-9ed6-f82c3439abde).html

PDF: https://www.idunn.no/file/ci/66929888/Christian_Nations_Ethnic_Christianity_And_Anti-Immigratio.pdf

van Klingeren, Marijn, Hajo G. Boomgaarden, Rens Vliegenthart, and Claes H. de Vreese. ‘Real World Is Not Enough: The Media as an Additional Source of Negative Attitudes Toward Immigration, Comparing Denmark and the Netherlands’. (2015) [PDF]

van Klingeren, Marijn, Hajo G. Boomgaarden, Rens Vliegenthart, and Claes H. de Vreese. ‘Real World Is Not Enough: The Media as an Additional Source of Negative Attitudes Toward Immigration, Comparing Denmark and the Netherlands’. European Sociological Review, vol. 31, no. 3, June 2015, pp. 268–283.

Most people are unable to accurately estimate the number of immigrants in their country. Nonetheless, it has been argued that the size of the immigrant population would affect people’s immigration attitudes. Part of the effect of immigration on attitudes occurs not so much because of real immigration figures, but rather because of media reporting about immigration. In this study, negative attitudes towards immigration are explained by investigating the impact of the salience and the tone of immigration topics in the news media vis-a` -vis the impact of immigration statistics. The cases of Denmark and the Netherlands are analysed for a period from 2003 to 2010, using a multilevel design. Overall, real-world immigration numbers have little impact. The tone of news coverage has an effect in the Netherlands: a positive tone reduces negativity towards immigration, while a negative tone does not increase negativity. We cautiously conclude that the longevity of the issue’s salience has a moderating effect.

doi:10.1093/esr/jcu089.

PDF: https://academic.oup.com/esr/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/esr/jcu089.

Wulff, Jesper N., and Anders R. Villadsen. ‘Are Survey Experiments as Valid as Field Experiments in Management Research? An Empirical Comparison Using the Case of Ethnic Employment Discrimination’ (2020)

Wulff, Jesper N., and Anders R. Villadsen. ‘Are Survey Experiments as Valid as Field Experiments in Management Research? An Empirical Comparison Using the Case of Ethnic Employment Discrimination’. European Management Review, vol. 17, no. 1, Mar. 2020, pp. 347–356.

Field experiments have long been the gold standard in studies of organizational topics such as ethnic discrimination in recruitment. The recent use of survey experiments, also known as experimental vignettes, suggests that some researchers believe that survey experiments could be used as an alternative to field experiments. In this study we put this notion to the test. We perform a field experiment followed by two survey experiments on ethnic discrimination in recruitment. While the results of our field experiment are consistent with previous evidence on discrimination, one survey experiment concludes no difference between native and immigrant employees while another concludes positive discrimination. These results should invoke caution in researchers wanting to investigate organizational topics using survey experiments.

doi:10.1111/emre.12342.

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/emre.12342

Yael Enoch. ‘The Intolerance of a Tolerant People: Ethnic Relations in Denmark’. (1994) [PDF]

Yael Enoch. ‘The Intolerance of a Tolerant People: Ethnic Relations in Denmark’. Ethnic & Racial Studies, vol. 17, no. 2, Apr. 1994, p. 282.

The Danes have traditionally seen themselves as an enlightened and tolerant people, regarding with contempt those who, like many white Americans or South Africans, hold negative attitudes towards ethnic or racial minorities. This positive self-image was confirmed during World War II when in an impressive rescue operation almost all Danish Jews (the only sizeable minority group in Denmark at the time) were helped to safety in neutral Sweden. During the 1960’s and 1970’s Danish society – until then one of the most homogeneous societies in Europe – became increasingly more heterogeneous through the influx of economic migrants – ‘foreign workers’ – mainly from Turkey, Pakistan and Yugoslavia. For the first time the Danes have had to deal with ethnic minorities whose culture, language, religion and physical appearance differ significantly from the majority’s. On the basis of a comprehensive attitude survey, it appears that the Danes today are less tolerant towards ‘foreign workers’ than might have been expected on the basis of their past record. This article considers whether this intolerance can be explained in terms of (1) the structure of present-day Danish society; (2) the general characteristics of the respondents (age, gender, etc.), or (3) the social and cultural characteristics of the new minorities. It is suggested that ethnic prejudice exists latently even in apparently tolerant societies and tends to surface when a ‘suitable’ target group becomes available.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.1994.9993825

PDF: http://www1.geo.ntnu.edu.tw/~moise/Data/Books/Reach%20of%20culture/cultural%20racism.pdf

Zuleta, Lumi, and Rasmus Burkal. Hadefulde ytringer i den offentlige online debat. (2017) [PDF]

Zuleta, Lumi, and Rasmus Burkal. Hadefulde ytringer i den offentlige online debat. København: Institut for Menneskerettigheder, 2017, p. 120,

Denne rapport beskriver resultaterne fra en undersøgelse om hadefulde ytringer udarbejdet i 2016. Formålet med undersøgelsen er at få indsigt i, hvor ofte hadefulde ytringer optræder i forbindelse med nyhedsformidling og debat. Rapporten gennemgår data bestående af knap 3.000 kommentarer fra henholdsvis DR Nyheders og TV 2 Nyhedernes Facebook-sider. På baggrund af disse kommentarer udledes tendenser og mønstre i et forsøg på at kortlægge omfanget og karakteren af hadefulde ytringer i en bestemt periode. Disse tendenser sammenholde vi med resultaterne fra en Megafon-måling blandt danske Facebook-brugere, hvor der er blevet spurgt ind til oplevelse af debatten og debattonen, og hvorvidt disse oplevelser har betydning for, om man deltager i den offentlige debat online. Desuden gennemgår viden eksisterende lovgivning på området samt de overordnede juridiske rammer, som sættes af international menneskeretsamt dansk ret. Helt overordnet ser vi i denne undersøgelse nærmere på følgende: Omfanget af de hadefulde ytringer på DR Nyheders og TV2 Nyhedernes Facebook-sider Hvilke emner der giver anledning til hadefulde ytringer Hvem der ytrer sig hadefuldt  Hvem eller hvad de hadefulde ytringer rettes mod Karakteren af de hadefulde ytringer  Konsekvenser af en hård tone i den offentlige debat på Facebook.

PDF: https://menneskeret.dk/sites/menneskeret.dk/files/media/dokumenter/udgivelser/ligebehandling_2017/rapport_hadefulde_ytringer_online_2017.pdf.

Hercowitz-Amir, Adi, and Rebeca Raijman. ‘Restrictive Borders and Rights: Attitudes of the Danish Public to Asylum Seekers’. (2019)

Hercowitz-Amir, Adi, and Rebeca Raijman. ‘Restrictive Borders and Rights: Attitudes of the Danish Public to Asylum Seekers’. Ethnic and Racial Studies, May 2019, pp. 1–20.

Social mechanisms explaining Danes’ attitudes to asylum seekers were analysed on two main dimensions: border control and rights allocation, in a national survey of 500 adult respondents in September 2013. Data show that the respondents supported exclusionary practices against asylum seekers much more than exclusion from rights. Three main mechanisms were simultaneously at play in both exclusionary dimensions: perceptions of threat, social distance (prejudice), and perceiving asylum seekers as not “genuine refugees”. Identifying asylum seekers’ as a security and socio-economic threat, as persons not in “real” fear of persecution, together with prejudicial attitudes to them had a boosting effect on excluding asylum seekers from the Danish collective in terms of entry and rights. Findings are discussed in light of existing theories on exclusionary attitudes to asylum seekers.

doi:10.1080/01419870.2019.1606435.

https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2019.1606435.

Hercowitz-Amir, A., R. Raijman, and E. Davidov. ‘Host or Hostile? Attitudes towards Asylum Seekers in Israel and in Denmark’. (2017) [PDF]

Hercowitz-Amir, A., R. Raijman, and E. Davidov. ‘Host or Hostile? Attitudes towards Asylum Seekers in Israel and in Denmark’. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, vol. 58, no. 5, 2017, pp. 416–439.

In this study, we focus on attitudes towards asylum seekers in two countries: Denmark and Israel. Both serve as interesting cases through which to study public sentiment of host populations for people seeking refuge. We examine the role of three core dimensions that have been relatively overlooked in previous studies: social contact with asylum seekers, the role of support for humanitarian policies and perceptions of legitimacy of the asylum seekers’ claims. We also gauge the way perceptions of threat mediate the effect of these core dimensions on individuals’ willingness to share their national benefits with those looking for refugee status in the two countries. For the analysis, we use multiple group structural equation modelling. On the descriptive level, findings suggest that respondents are considerably more hostile in Israel than in Denmark, although the mechanisms leading to the formation of exclusionary attitudes are partly similar. We conclude with some limitations of the study and closing remarks about similarities and differences across the two countries.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0020715217722039

PDF: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0020715217722039

Flemming Balvig, Lars Holmberg, and Aydin Soei. Tingbjergundersøgelsen: Om risikoadfærd og sociale overdrivelser blandt børn og voksne i Brønshøj og Tingbjerg. (2017) [PDF]

Flemming Balvig, Lars Holmberg, and Aydin Soei. Tingbjergundersøgelsen: Om risikoadfærd og sociale overdrivelser blandt børn og voksne i Brønshøj og Tingbjerg. 2017, p. 35. København: AFFORD.

Tingbjergundersøgelsen er et pilotprojekt, som sammenligner risikoadfærd blandt 14-og15-årige unge i et såkaldt “udsatboligområde” –Tingbjerg– med et såkaldt “ikkeudsatboligområde” – Brønshøj. Undersøgelsen sammenligner endvidere antagelser om de unges risikoadfærd hos henholdsvis de unge selv og devoksne omkring dem. Samlet set tyder undersøgelsen på ,at omfanget af risikoadfærd blandt de 14-15-årige i Tingbjerg er ret begrænset, også set i forhold til tilsvarende undersøgelser foretaget i andre områder i Danmark. De svage tendenser, der er, peger faktisk i retning af, at risikoadfærden er lidt mere udbredt blandt de unge i det “ikke-udsatte” boligområde.

På nogle områder har de unge i Tingbjerg overensstemmende antagelser om deres kammerater, eksempelvis vedrørende forbrug af alkohol og hash, mens de på andre områder overvurderer, eksempelvis vedrørende, hvor normalt det er at udøve vold blandt skolekammeraterne, og hvor normalt det er være bandekriminel og besidde våben.

De voksne i Tingbjerg har imidlertid væsentligt mere overdrevne antagelser om Tingbjergeleverne og de tror generelt, at risikoadfærd–også den personfarlige del af slagsen–er en del af livet for en ikke uvæsentlig del af de unge.

PDF: https://curis.ku.dk/ws/files/187289228/Tingbjergprojektet_rapport_oktober_2017.pdf.

Dinesen, Peter Thisted, and Kim Mannemar Sønderskov. ‘Trust in a Time of Increasing Diversity: On the Relationship between Ethnic Heterogeneity and Social Trust in Denmark from 1979 until Today: Trust in a Time of Increasing Diversity’. (2012)

Dinesen, Peter Thisted, and Kim Mannemar Sønderskov. ‘Trust in a Time of Increasing Diversity: On the Relationship between Ethnic Heterogeneity and Social Trust in Denmark from 1979 until Today: Trust in a Time of Increasing Diversity’. Scandinavian Political Studies, vol. 35, no. 4, Dec. 2012, pp. 273–294.

This article examines the impact of ethnic diversity in Danish municipalities on citizens’ social trust over the last three decades. During this period, Danish society has grown increas- ingly ethnically diverse, and this begs the question whether this has influenced trust in others negatively. Existing evidence from the Anglo-Saxon countries would suggest that this is the case, whereas evidence from the European continent mainly suggests that no link exists between ethnic diversity and social trust. The empirical analysis uses individual-level data on social trust from several surveys in Denmark in the period from 1979 to 2009 coupled with diversity at the municipality level. Individual-level measures of trust over time enable estimation of the impact of changes in ethnic diversity within municipalities on social trust and, it is argued, thereby a more precise estimate of the effect of ethnic diversity on trust. The results suggest that social trust is negatively affected by ethnic diversity. The article concludes by discussing this result and suggest avenues for further research.

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00289.x.

http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00289.x.

Dinesen, Peter Thisted, and Kim Mannemar Sønderskov. ‘Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: Evidence from the Micro-Context’. (2015) [PDF]

Dinesen, Peter Thisted, and Kim Mannemar Sønderskov. ‘Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: Evidence from the Micro-Context’. American Sociological Review, vol. 80, no. 3, June 2015, pp. 550–573.

We argue that residential exposure to ethnic diversity reduces social trust. Previous within-country analyses of the relationship between contextual ethnic diversity and trust have been conducted at higher levels of aggregation, thus ignoring substantial variation in actual exposure to ethnic diversity. In contrast, we analyze how ethnic diversity of the immediate micro-context—where interethnic exposure is inevitable—affects trust. We do this using Danish survey data linked with register-based data, which enables us to obtain precise measures of the ethnic diversity of each individual’s residential surroundings. We focus on contextual diversity within a radius of 80 meters of a given individual, but we also compare the effect in the micro-context to the impact of diversity in more aggregate contexts. Our results show that ethnic diversity in the micro-context affects trust negatively, whereas the effect vanishes in larger contextual units. This supports the conjecture that interethnic exposure underlies the negative relationship between ethnic diversity in residential contexts and social trust.

doi:10.1177/0003122415577989.

PDF: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/264541795_Ethnic_Diversity_and_Social_Trust_The_Role_of_Exposure_in_the_Micro-Context

Bohman, Andrea. ‘Who’s Welcome and Who’s Not? Opposition towards Immigration in the Nordic Countries, 2002–2014’. (2018)

Bohman, Andrea. ‘Who’s Welcome and Who’s Not? Opposition towards Immigration in the Nordic Countries, 2002–2014’. Scandinavian Political Studies, vol. 41, no. 3, Sept. 2018, pp. 283–306.

This article demonstrates the analytical advantages of studying not only the degree to which people oppose immigration in a country, but also the character of their opposition. Using Latent Class Analysis and data from the European Social Survey, Nordic patterns and trends are examined with the aim of identifying different kinds of immigration attitudes and how they develop in different national contexts. The Nordic countries are interesting to compare as, while they are similar in many respects, they also diverge significantly from each other in areas theoretically considered important to the formation of attitudes towards immigration. Studying the character of immigration opposition reveals five different types of immigration attitudes. These are differently distributed between the Nordic countries as well as over time, and include nativist opposition (opposition only towards immigrants of ethnic/racial groups other than that of the majority population) and economic opposition (opposition that entails a separation between immigrants considered to be an economic resource and an economic burden). By demonstrating how immigration opposition in the Nordic countries varies not only in degree but also in character, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the nature of immigration opposition as well as of how different attitudinal profiles evolve under different contextual circumstances.

doi:10.1111/1467-9477.12120.

http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-9477.12120

Andersen, Simon Calmar, and Thorbjørn Sejr Guul. ‘Reducing Minority Discrimination at the Front Line—Combined Survey and Field Experimental Evidence’. (2019) [PDF]

Andersen, Simon Calmar, and Thorbjørn Sejr Guul. ‘Reducing Minority Discrimination at the Front Line—Combined Survey and Field Experimental Evidence’. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 2019.

Despite laws of universalistic treatment, bureaucrats have been shown to discriminate against minorities. A crucial question for public administration is how bureaucracies can be organized in ways that minimize illegitimate discrimination. Especially, since theories suggest that prejudices happen unintentionally and particularly under high workload, bureaucrats’ working conditions may be important. Four randomized experiments support the notion that bureaucrats discriminate as a way of coping with high workload. Most notably, a field experiment randomly assigned teachers to reduced workloads by giving them resources to have more time with the same group of students. In a subsequent survey experiment—using a fictitious future scenario unrelated to the resources provided in the field experiment—discrimination was minimized in the field treatment group, but persisted in the control group.The results thereby support the notion that even though discrimination among bureaucrats does not (only) occur in a reflective manner it can be reduced by altering the way bureaucrats’ work is organized.

doi:10.1093/jopart/muy083.

PDF: https://childresearch.au.dk/fileadmin/childresearch/dokumenter/Publikationer/Reducing_Minority_Discrimination_on_the_Front_Line_-_Combined_Survey_and_Field_Experimental_Evidence.pdf.