Mouritsen, Per, and Tore Vincents Olsen. ‘Denmark between Liberalism and Nationalism’. (2013) [PDF]

Mouritsen, Per, and Tore Vincents Olsen. ‘Denmark between Liberalism and Nationalism’. Ethnic & Racial Studies, vol. 36, no. 4, Apr. 2013, pp. 691–710.

What explains the restrictive turn towards immigrants in European countries like Denmark? Are countries returning to nationalism, or are they following a general European trend towards a perfectionist, even ‘repressive’ liberalism that seeks to create ‘liberal people’ out of immigrants? Recent developments in Danish policies of integration and citizenship, education and anti-discrimination suggest a combination of these two diagnoses. The current Danish ‘integration philosophy’ leaves behind a previous concern with private choice and equal rights and opportunities to emphasize other historical elements, especially the duty to participate in upholding democracy and the egalitarian welfare community, and to promote autonomous and secular ways of life. However, the virtues of this ‘egalitarian republicanism’ are seen by right-of-centre intellectuals and politicians as rooted in a wider Christian national culture that immigrants must acquire in order to become full citizens.

doi:10.1080/01419870.2011.598233.

PDF: https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00726660/file/PEER_stage2_10.1080%252F01419870.2011.598233.pdf

Myong, Lene, and Mons Bissenbakker. ‘Love Without Borders? White Transraciality in Danish Migration Activism’. (2016)

Myong, Lene, and Mons Bissenbakker. ‘Love Without Borders? White Transraciality in Danish Migration Activism’. Cultural Studies, vol. 30, no. 1, Jan. 2016, pp. 129–146.

Since 2000, Denmark has imposed some of the strictest immigration laws in Europe. Consequently, family reunification has become increasingly difficult for immigrants as well as for Danish citizens. In the fall of 2010, the Danish family reunification laws became subject to criticism and protest by a citizens’ initiative called ‘Love without Borders’ (LWB). The article investigates how LWB managed to generate political momentum around love: an affect which seems to promise inclusion, liberation and togetherness for those directly affected by the laws as well as those attempting to change the laws. Yet the idealized version of love promoted by LWB happened to take the form of romantic intimacy predominantly consisting of straight, young and white-brown couples oriented towards reproduction. Our main argument is that despite its good intentions of supporting migration the activist campaign ‘Love without Borders’ ends up supporting whiteness as the body through which love must flow. As an indicator of the racialized discourses informing LWB’s activism the article introduces the concept of white transraciality. Thus, to LWB love seems to promise affective ties to the nation, to the future and to the political system in ways that sustain white hegemony. Building mainly on Sara Ahmed’s and Laurent Berlant’s reflections on love as cultural politics the article analyzes posters, viral videos and newspaper debates in its discussion of the promises and pitfalls of love as an affective political tool.

doi:10.1080/09502386.2014.974643.

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502386.2014.974643.

Jane Jin Kaisen, ed. Loving Belinda, (2015) [PDF]

Jane Jin Kaisen, ed. Loving Belinda, Forlaget * [asterisk], 2015.

The Loving Belinda project began in 2006 with the video Adopting Belinda in which Mr. and Mrs. Anderson, a supposedly Asian-American couple in Minnesota, are being interviewed by a Danish TV host for a series on Danish heritage because they have just adopted Belinda, a white girl from Denmark. Everything appears ordinary with the exception that the racial and cultural dynamics are reversed.

The Loving Belinda Project employs the mockumentary genre, appropriating documentary features to destabilize reality with subversive effect. By staging and reversing the racial “order” within transnational adoption, the works expose some of the uneven economic, racial, and cultural relations of power that are embedded within the practice but that tend to remain unspoken.

The videos Revisiting the Andersons and Loving Belinda as well as the photograph The Andersons from 2015,portray how the family is coping now whenBelinda is nine years old in the midst of changing discourses around transnational adoption.

In the Loving Belinda publication, the fictional universe is contextualized by conversations between the individuals involved in the project, whom in reality are all engaged in critical discourse around transnational adoption, anti-racism and whiteness in Scandinavia. 

Contents:

LOVING BELINDA

Adopting Belinda

Revisiting the Andersons

Loving Belinda

The Andersons

CONVERSATIONS

Tobias Hübinette & Jane Jin Kaisen: Transnational Adoption in the Context of Colonial Repression, Race Relations, and the Right-wing Turn in Scandinavia,

Morten Goll & Jane Jin Kaisen: Reflections on Art, Asylum Politics, Racism, and Transnational Adoption

Lene Myong & Jane Jin Kaisen: The Emergence of Adoption Critiques among Transnational Adoptees in Denmark

ESSAYS / PRESENTATIONS

Marianne Ping Huang: Artistic Research as Critique in Jane Jin Kaisen’s Loving Belinda

Louise Wolthers: Framing the Migrant Body

Tone Olaf Nielsen: Curating Anti-Racist, Pro-Migration & Decolonial Projects

http://janejinkaisen.com/loving-belinda-200615

PDF: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5539922fe4b03e1f32a65bc3/t/557bf05ee4b00283cf1e1590/1434185822742/Loving+Belinda+publication.pdf

Necef, Mehmet Ümit, and Torben Bech Dyrberg. Er Danskerne Racister? Indvandrerforskningens Problemer. (2012)

Necef, Mehmet Ümit, and Torben Bech Dyrberg. Er Danskerne Racister? Indvandrerforskningens Problemer. Frydenlund Academic, 2012.

Hvor racistiske er danskerne ved nærmere eftersyn? Bogens forfattere har undersøgt sagen og kigget os efter i sømmene.  Over en 20-årig periode har bogens to forskere undersøgt racisme i Danmark, og ikke bare deres konklusion, men også selve undersøgelsen, vækker opsigt.  Noget kunne nemlig tyde på, vi ikke er helt så fremmedfjendske, som mange går og tror. Både den offentlige debat og den videnskabelige forskning har imidlertid været med til at underbygge tesen om, at danskerne er racister, så indtrykket af det lille lukkede folk mod nord er ikke kommet ud af det blå.  Denne bog slår ikke desto mindre fast, at der er meget lidt dokumentation for udbredt dansk racisme, fremmedhad, islamofobi og lignende. Forskerne understreger, at dette ikke betyder, at der slet ikke findes racisme i Danmark, men de pointerer samtidig, at det er i langt mindre og andet omfang, end hidtil antaget.  Bogen åbner op for en seriøs debat om det komplicerede emne med saglig viden og grundig indsigt.

https://www.frydenlund.dk/varebeskrivelse/3090

Necef, Mehmet Ümit, and Torben Bech Dyrberg. Multikulturalismens fælder: Mørklægning og moralisme i medier, forskning og politik. (2016)

Necef, Mehmet Ümit, and Torben Bech Dyrberg. Multikulturalismens fælder: Mørklægning og moralisme i medier, forskning og politik. Samfundslitteratur, 2016.

Opgør med en multikulturalistisk debatkultur, hvor politisk korrekthed og moralisering fortrænger politisk uenighed, og hvor bortforklaring af problemer står i vejen for skabelsen af rammer for, hvordan folk med forskellige og konfliktende værdier kan leve sammen.

Indhold:

Indledning

Kritiske fortolkninger af multikulturalisme og antiracisme  9

TORBEN BECH DYRBERG OG MEHMET ÜMIT NECEF

FØRSTE DEL KULTURRELATIVISME OG MULTIKULTURALISME SOM VENSTREFLØJSFANTASIER OG FORSKERIDEOLOGIER  37

Kapitel 1: Svensk mångfaldspolitik et studie i opportunisme 39

GÖRAN ADAMSON

Kapitel 2: Asymmetrisk kulturrelativisme om antropologiens kritiske potentiale 63

KATJA KVAALE

Kapitel 3: Indvandrerne, indvandrervennerne og det nye politiske venstre 89

TORBEN RUGBERG RASMUSSEN

ANDEN DEL ANTIRACISME SOM STIGMATISERING OG MORALISERINGENAF DEN POLITISKE DEBAT 111

Kapitel 4: Islamofobiske problemer om hvordan diskursen om islamofobi ekskluderer muslimer fra det demokratiske fællesskab 113

AJE CARLBOM

Kapitel 5: Er indvandrere racister? 131

JENS-MARTIN ERIKSEN

Kapitel 6: Tolerance og tonerance truslen mod det oplyste tolerancebegreb 147

FREDERIK STJERNFELT

Kapitel 7: Venstrefløjens selektive og moraliserende tolerance 165

TORBEN BECH DYRBERG

TREDJE DEL FORDOMME OG FJENDEBILLEDER SOM MODSTYKKE TIL DIALOG 187

Kapitel 8: Styres forskningen af frygten for at blive kaldt racist? praksisnære overvejelser 189

HENRIETTE FREES ESHOLDT

Kapitel 9: Gode intentioner? om politisk korrekthed, magt og social udsathed blandt de Andre 207

PERNILLA OUIS

Kapitel 10: Er danske værdier bedre end muslimske indvandreres ? et første forsøg 227

HENNING BECH

FJERDE DEL KULTUR SOM AUTENTICITET ELLER TILSLØRING 243

Kapitel 11: Æresrelateret vold som kulturaliserende diskurs? kritik af en udbredt forskningstilgang 245

YVONNE MØRCK, SOFIE DANNESKIOLD-SAMSØE OG BO WAGNER SØRENSEN

Kapitel 12: Eventyret om Vollsmose og den multikulturelle illusion 273

HELLE LYKKE NIELSEN

Kapitel 13: Yahya Hassans brøde 299

MEHMET ÜMIT NECEF

https://samfundslitteratur.dk/bog/multikulturalismens-f%C3%A6lder

Pedersen, Marianne Holm, and Mikkel Rytter. ‘Rituals of Migration: An Introduction’. (2018) [PDF]

Pedersen, Marianne Holm, and Mikkel Rytter. ‘Rituals of Migration: An Introduction’. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 44, no. 16, Dec. 2018, pp. 2603–2616.

This introduction presents a framework for the articles in the special issue Rituals of Migration. First, it provides an overview of studies of ritual and migration, highlighting the fruitfulness of exploring the two fields together and arguing for the use of ritual as a cultural prism on processes of continuity and change in migration. In light of these analytical approaches, the introduction continues by outlining and discussing the three major themes that crosscut the articles (the interrelations between change and continuity, processes of placemaking and lines of social differentiation), demonstrating how the articles can shed light on these issues.

doi:10.1080/1369183X.2017.1389024.

PDF: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369183X.2017.1389024.

Plambech, Sine. ‘’Postordrebrude’’ i Nordvestjylland: Transnationale Ægteskaber i Et omsorgsøkonomisk Perspektiv’ (2005) [PDF]

Plambech, Sine. ‘’Postordrebrude’’ i Nordvestjylland: Transnationale Ægteskaber i Et omsorgsøkonomisk Perspektiv’. Dansk Sociologi, vol. 16, no. 1, 2005, pp. 91–110,

Søg på Internettet under mail order brides, og 1.100.000 hitshenviser til kvinder, der søger en ægtemand i Vesten – pådansk omtales de som ’’postordrebrude’’. Denne artikel handlerom ægteskaber mellem thailandske kvinder og danske mænd.Deres transnationale ægteskaber giver et indblik i motiverne formigration hos en gruppe af verdens kvindelige migranter;kvinder, der krydser grænser for at indgå ægteskab.

PDF: https://rauli.cbs.dk/index.php/dansksociologi/article/download/555/587.

Schmidt, Garbi. ‘Law and Identity: Transnational Arranged Marriages and the Boundaries of Danishness’. (2011)

Schmidt, Garbi. ‘Law and Identity: Transnational Arranged Marriages and the Boundaries of Danishness’. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 37, no. 2, Routledge, Feb. 2011, pp. 257–275.

In Denmark, the practice of transnational arranged marriages among immigrants has stirred debate on several levels of society. One effect of the debate is a tightened regulation of family formation migration, seen as an effective means both of limiting the number of immigrants and of furthering processes of social integration. Within media-based and political debates, transnational marriages are frequently described as practices destructive both to individual freedom and to Danish national identity. Nonetheless, it is a practice in which both minority and majority citizens engage, one that frames both their family lives and their lives as citizens. This article analyses the dynamic relationship between public discourse and practices of transnational marriage. The first part describes how political and legislative perceptions of transnational (arranged) marriages are situated within a discussion of ‘Danishness’. The second part describes how second-generation immigrants from Turkey and Pakistan, all of whom have married someone from their country of origin, articulate how public discourse on transnationally arranged marriages affects their lives. This part particularly focuses on the informants’ expressions of autonomy and choice and their adaptations of such concepts to understandings of social belonging, inclusion and identity formation vis-à-vis the Danish nation-state.

doi:10.1080/1369183X.2011.521339.

https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2011.521339.

Sauer, Birgit, and Birte Siim. ‘Inclusive Political Intersections of Migration, Race, Gender and Sexuality – The Cases of Austria and Denmark’. (2020) [PDF]

Sauer, Birgit, and Birte Siim. ‘Inclusive Political Intersections of Migration, Race, Gender and Sexuality – The Cases of Austria and Denmark’. NORA – Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, vol. 28, no. 1, Routledge, Jan. 2020, pp. 56–69.

The article aims to integrate key concepts from social movement, citizenship and gender theories with afocus on (political) intersectionality at the interface of migration, race, gender and sexuality. It explores the responses from civil society groups to the exclusive intersections of right-wing politics and discourses in Austria and Denmark with afocus on inclusive intersectionality and transversal politics. The article asks if and how the intersectional repertoires of NGOs were able to create transversal politics and joint activities and explains why these NGOs were unable to counter right-wing hegemony. It uses the cases of Austria and Denmark to illustrate the diverse mobilizations of counter-forces against the attempts to forge an anti-migration and anti-Muslim consensus. The focus is on the mobilization of anti-racist and pro-migrant groups, comparing their strategies and inclusionary repertoires including feminist claims, the framing of activist citizenship, acts of citizenship and of solidarity. The article scrutinizes strategies of transversal politics against the exclusionary right in the two countries; shows the influence of the different contexts of civil society mobilization, political cultures, welfare and gender regimes as well as the differences between right-wing forces in the two countries.

doi:10.1080/08038740.2019.1681510.

PDF: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/08038740.2019.1681510?needAccess=true

Schmidt, Garbi. Nørrebros indvandringshistorie 1885-2010. (2015)

Schmidt, Garbi. Nørrebros indvandringshistorie 1885-2010. MuseumTuscelanum, 2015.

Etnisk mangfoldighed er i dag en tydelig dimension af Nørrebro, men er indvandring til kvarteret et nyt fænomen, eller har indvandring fra tidligt i historien bidraget til Nørrebros liv, udvikling og fortælling?

Denne bog beskriver Nørrebros indvandringshistorie, fra svenske tjenestepiger og russisk-jødiske flygtninge over tyske krigsflygtninge og tyrkiske og pakistanske gæstearbejdere til nutiden, hvor Nørrebro både fejres og fordømmes som Københavns indvandrerkvarter. Hvilke roller har indvandrere spillet i kvarteret igennem tiden? Hvem var de, både som grupper og individer? Hvordan spillede indvandring sammen med den fortælling om Nørrebro, som er blevet udviklet og genskabt over tid: byens urolige hjørne, præget af arbejderklasse, fattigdom og aktivisme? I hvilke perioder har indvandrerne været synlige, og i hvilke perioder er de knapt blevet bemærket – selvom de har været der? Og hvordan har sådanne forandringer spillet sammen med byens rum, bystyrets politik og den danske nationalstats håndtering af indvandring over tid?

Nørrebros indvandringshistorie 1885–2010 er en bog om, hvordan indvandring har formet et kvarter, en by – og et land.

https://www.academicbooks.dk/da/content/n%C3%B8rrebros-indvandringshistorie-1885-2010

Schmidt, Garbi. ‘Space, Politics and Past–Present Diversities in a Copenhagen Neighbourhood’. (2016)

Schmidt, Garbi. ‘Space, Politics and Past–Present Diversities in a Copenhagen Neighbourhood’. Identities, vol. 23, no. 1, Routledge, Jan. 2016, pp. 51–65.

This article responds to the need for a cautious use of the concepts of diversity and social cohesion in migration research. Presently missing in the literature is a historicisation and contextualisation of these concepts that can highlight the heterogeneity of diversity. In our investigation of the cities and neighbourhoods in which migrants settle and how migrants affect these neighbourhoods, it is important to ask whether the diversity of today is significantly different from the diversity a hundred years ago. To provide the missing perspectives, I offer a situated historical analysis of empirical data and ethnographic fieldwork in Nørrebro, a neighbourhood of the Danish capital, Copenhagen. Situating the contemporary heterogeneous characteristics of cities and neighbourhoods within a local history of diversity is useful for our understanding of past and contemporary social solidarities that underlie the perceptions of ‘otherness’ and the changing implications of the focus on immigrant identity.

doi:10.1080/1070289X.2015.1016521.

https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2015.1016521.

Shield, Andrew. ‘“A Southern Man Can Have a Harem of up to Twenty Danish Women”: Sexotic Politics and Immigration in Denmark, 1965–1979’. (2018)

Shield, Andrew. ‘“A Southern Man Can Have a Harem of up to Twenty Danish Women”: Sexotic Politics and Immigration in Denmark, 1965–1979’. Sexualities, vol. 23, Nov. 2018,

During the late 1960s and early 1970s, Denmark received about 15,000 foreign workers from Turkey, Yugoslavia, Pakistan, the Middle East and North Africa during a unique period of women’s and sexual liberation. As foreign men visited discos—sometimes in search of sexual relationships with Danish women—a segment of Danish men accused foreigners of taking not only ‘their’ jobs but also ‘their’ women, and depicted foreign men as hypersexual or sexually violent (e.g. in union newspapers, men’s magazines). These ‘sexotic’ depictions of foreign men had immediate and negative effects on immigrants’ lived experiences in Denmark. In gay male subcultures, ‘sexotic’ depictions of men of color served mainly to entertain white fantasies, which also affected the experiences especially of gay men of color in Denmark. Overall, sexualized stereotypes about the male Other were central to broader political discussions in Denmark in the long 1970s, including debates about Danish wage suppression, immigrant ghetto formation, and the definition of sexual liberation.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1363460718758665

Shield, Andrew DJ. Gay Immigrants and Grindr: Revitalizing Queer Urban Spaces? (2018). [PDF]

Shield, Andrew DJ. Gay Immigrants and Grindr: Revitalizing Queer Urban Spaces? 2018.

In this (open-access) essay, I assess the idea that Grindr and related apps render urban gay spaces obsolete, and offer three counter-arguments based on my research with immigrants and tourists who use Grindr. In short: newcomers who use Grindr might actually bring new life to queer urban spaces, because… 1. Newcomers don’t use Grindr in the same way they use (physical) queer spaces; 2. Newcomers use Grindr *in* queer spaces; and 3. Newcomers often have better luck finding sex offline.

Gay Immigrants and Grindr: Revitalizing Queer Urban Spaces?

PDF: https://forskning.ruc.dk/en/publications/gay-immigrants-and-grindr-revitalizing-queer-urban-spaces.

Shield, Andrew DJ. Immigrants in the Sexual Revolution: Perceptions, Participation, and Belonging, The Netherlands and Denmark, 1960s-80s. (2016) [PDF]

Shield, Andrew DJ. Immigrants in the Sexual Revolution: Perceptions, Participation, and Belonging, The Netherlands and Denmark, 1960s-80s. PhD Dissertation. City University of New York, 2016.

This is an historical study of first-generation immigrants in Denmark and the Netherlands in the 1960s-80s and their perceptions of the ‘Sexual Revolution.’ Foreign workers and post-colonial immigrants arrived during the same decades when laws regarding women’s equality, contraception and abortion, homosexuality, pornography, adultery and divorce were challenged and reformed, in many cases in the context of intensive social movement activism. This research explores immigrants’ perceptions of the dramatic changes in sexual and gender relations transforming Europe in the 1960s-80s, and the instances of immigrant solidarity with, and participation in, networks for social justice, women’s equality, and sexual liberation. Part I of this dissertation focuses on foreign workers’ early impressions of gender equality and sexual liberality from 1965-1974. Part II centers on immigrant activism from 1975-1985; during this time, left-wing immigrant groups in the Netherlands gained strategic and rhetorical inspiration not only from anti-fascism, but also from the women’s movement. Immigrant women ’both actively, and just by being present’ challenged European feminists to consider seriously the roles of ethnicity, race, and cultural difference in the women’s movement. Part III focuses on immigrants and ethnic minorities in gay and lesbian ‘scenes’ (e.g. bars, social circles) and formal organizations in the 1960s-80s. During these decades, contact advertisements in gay and lesbian journals facilitated new friendships, romances, housing connections, employment, and travel opportunities across both internal and external borders (e.g. inter-ethnic and international correspondence). Interviewees recount their experiences ‘coming out,’ moving to cities, and being ‘one of the first’ people of color in various gay and lesbian networks in these decades. By bringing together two seemingly disparate research fields’ immigration history and sexuality history’ this research complicates current political and journalistic discussions of the supposed binary between an Enlightened Europe, always tolerant of women’s independence and gay rights, and its international immigrants, ‘unable’ to change their views on gender and sexuality.

https://forskning.ruc.dk/en/publications/immigrants-in-the-sexual-revolution-perceptions-participation-and. https://forskning.ruc.dk/en/publications/immigrants-in-the-sexual-revolution-perceptions-participation-and.

PDF: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1216/

Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, and Annika Lindberg. ‘Enforcing Apartheid?: The Politics of “Intolerability” in the Danish Migration and Integration Regimes’. (2019)

Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, and Annika Lindberg. ‘Enforcing Apartheid?: The Politics of “Intolerability” in the Danish Migration and Integration Regimes’. Migration and Society, vol. 2, no. 1, Berghahn Journals, June 2019, pp. 90–97.

Across Northern European states, we can observe a proliferation of “hostile environments” targeting racialized groups. This article zooms in on Denmark and discusses recent policy initiatives that are explicitly aimed at excluding, criminalizing, and inflicting harm on migrants and internal “others” by making their lives “intolerable.” We use the example of Danish deportation centers to illustrate how structural racism is institutionalized and implemented, and then discuss the centers in relation to other recent policy initiatives targeting racialized groups. We propose that these policies must be analyzed as complementary bordering practices: externally, as exemplified by deportation centers, and internally, as reflected in the development of parallel legal regimes for racialized groups. We argue that, taken together, they enact and sustain a system of apartheid.

doi:10.3167/arms.2019.020109.

https://www.berghahnjournals.com/view/journals/migration-and-society/2/1/arms020109.xml.

Olwig, Kenneth R. ‘Natives and Aliens in the National Landscape’. (2003)

Olwig, Kenneth R. ‘Natives and Aliens in the National Landscape’. Landscape Research, vol. 28, no. 1, Routledge, Jan. 2003, pp. 61–74. Taylor and Francis+NEJM,

Discourses concerning the threat of alien species to national landscapes have a curious tendency to bleed into discourses concerning the threat of alien races and cultures to the native people and culture of these same nations. An explanation for these parallels, it is argued, lies in a common point of departure in a particular post-Renaissance concept of landscape, space and nature, which ultimately derives from what is here termed ‘the cartographic-pictographic episteme’. The epistemic history of these ideas is traced in a series of steps, beginning with a concrete case from Denmark and going on to show how this case relates to larger European discourses dating back to the Renaissance.

doi:10.1080/01426390306525.

Yılmaz, Ferruh. ‘How the Workers Became Muslims: Immigration, Culture, and Hegemonic Transformation in Europe.’ (2016)

Yilmaz, Ferruh. How the Workers Became Muslims: Immigration, Culture, and Hegemonic Transformation in Europe. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2016.

Writing in the beginning of the 1980s, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe explored possibilities for a new socialist strategy to capitalize on the period’s fragmented political and social conditions. Two and a half decades later, Ferruh Yilmaz acknowledges that the populist far right—not the socialist movement—has demonstrated greater facility in adopting successful hegemonic strategies along the structural lines Laclau and Mouffe imagined. Right wing hegemonic strategy, Yilmaz argues, has led to the reconfiguration of internal fault lines in European societies.


Yilmaz’s primary case study is Danish immigration discourse, but his argument contextualizes his study in terms of questions of current concern across Europe, where right wing groups that were long on the fringes of “legitimate” politics have managed to make significant gains with populations typically aligned with the Left. Specifically, Yilmaz argues that socio-political space has been transformed in the last three decades such that group classification has been destabilized to emphasize cultural rather than economic attributes.


According to this point-of-view, traditional European social and political cleavages are jettisoned for new “cultural” alliances pulling the political spectrum to the right, against the corrosive presence of Muslim immigrants, whose own social and political variety is flattened into an illusion of alien sameness.

https://www.press.umich.edu/8857103/how_the_workers_became_muslims

Yılmaz, Ferruh. ‘Right-Wing Hegemony and Immigration: How the Populist Far-Right Achieved Hegemony through the Immigration Debate in Europe’. (2012)

Yilmaz, Ferruh. ‘Right-Wing Hegemony and Immigration: How the Populist Far-Right Achieved Hegemony through the Immigration Debate in Europe’. Current Sociology, vol. 60, no. 3, May 2012, pp. 368–381.

It is becoming increasingly clear that the debate on Islam and Muslim immigrants has moved into the center of European political discourse. The increasing volume of publications about the role of Islam in social, cultural and political spheres indicates that Islam is now a major political issue, often associated with the debate on terrorism and security. This article argues that the shift in focus should be understood as the result of a hegemonic shift that goes back to the mid-1980s when the populist farright intervened in the immigration debate in Europe. The far-right not only presented immigration as a cultural threat to the future of European nations but also succeeded in moving immigration to the center of political discourse. This was done through successive right-wing political interventions that helped establish Muslim immigrants as an incompatible ontological category predicated on culture, and kept the national focus on immigration as an imminent threat to ‘our common’ achievements.

doi:10.1177/0011392111426192.

http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0011392111426192

Yılmaz, Ferruh. ‘Analyzing Variations and Stability in Discourse’. (2015) [PDF]

Yilmaz, Ferruh. ‘Analyzing Variations and Stability in Discourse’. Journal of Language & Politics, vol. 14, no. 6, 2015, pp. 830–851,

This article offers a theoretical solution to the problem of analyzing stable constructions of social structures in discourse. In this article, I first discuss epistemological and methodological issues with Critical Discourse Analysis and Discursive Psychology and combine insights from these two approaches with insight from Discourse Theory as formulated by Laclau and Mouffe (2001). Despite the fact that language use is full of inconsistencies and contradictions and thus does not provide an inventory of stable ideological patterns, it is possible to analyze stable constructions of the social world without assuming the existence of macro-structures (i.e. ideologies or mental representations) as stabilizing background for discursive practices. I demonstrate that stability is not so much a function of ideologies or representations but depends on how the ontological structure of society is imagined. The new hegemonic articulation of the social division along cultural lines limits the positions that can be taken in relation to identity categories regardless of the values one attributes to the categories.

https://benjamins.com/catalog/jlp.14.6.05yil

PDF: https://www.academia.edu/download/48186604/Analyzing_Variations_and_Stability_in_Discourse_-_last_draft_Academia.edu.pdf.

Yılmaz, Ferruh. ‘Ethnicized Ontologies : From Foreign Worker to Muslim Immigrant : How Danish Public Discourse Moved to the Right through the Question of Immigration’. (2006) [PDF]

Yilmaz, Ferruh. Ethnicized Ontologies : From Foreign Worker to Muslim Immigrant : How Danish Public Discourse Moved to the Right through the Question of Immigration. Dissertation. UC San Diego, 2006

My thesis, in one sentence, is that the entire political discourse in Denmark (and in many parts of Europe) has moved to the right through the debate on immigration in the last two decades. The left/right distinction is pushed to the background and a cultural one – the ‘Danish people’ /the Muslim immigrant – has come to the forefront as the main dividing line. This means that the redistribution of resources is discussed as a matter of ethnicity and culture rather than other types of social identifications (e.g. class or gender). In short, a new basis for identification has become hegemonic through the articulation of a new internal division based on culture. The hegemonic change was the result of the nationalist/ racist Right’s populist intervention in the mid 1980s. Large sections of society did not feel that their concerns and demands were represented by the political system. In an environment of such profound displacement, it was relatively easy for the populist right to point to immigration as the main threat to society (associated with the welfare system) and to articulate an antagonism between the people (silent majority) and the political and cultural elite that let immigration happen. The new hegemony is based on a culturalized ontology of the social. The (re)production of immigrants as a threatening force is maintained through a constant focus on cultural issues that are considered as anti-society. In many parts of Europe, cycles of moral panics are created around issues such as honor killings, gang rapes, animal slaughter, violence, female genital mutilation, forced marriages and headscarves. These issues produce repeatedly an unbridgeable divide between Muslim (immigrant) and Danish culture. The orientation towards these issues disperses various social and political actors along the antagonistic divide, often creating insolvable tensions and fractions within social movements. Reproducing a left/ right opposition – regardless of its particular content – is what is at stake. The answer to the populist vision of society is the construction of a new type of hegemony: the strategy or ideal for a future world should be the re- ontologization of the social.

PDF: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8fd0g7h7.

Yılmaz, Ferruh. ‘From Immigrant Worker to Muslim Immigrant: Challenges for Feminism’. (2014)

Yilmaz, Ferruh. ‘From Immigrant Worker  to Muslim Immigrant: Challenges for Feminism’. European Journal of Women’s Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, Feb. 2015, pp. 37–52.

In many Western European countries, gender equality and sexual tolerance have increasingly become markers of national cultures and European values that face an insistent threat from Muslims. Gender equality and sexual tolerance are increasingly framed in cultural terms and they play an important role in the construction of a social imaginary based on a cultural antagonism between ‘us’ (the nation) and ‘them’ (Muslims). This article argues that a new ‘culturalized’ social imaginary has been established by turning ‘immigrant workers’ into ‘Muslim immigrants’ over the last three decades. The unending moral panics around Muslim immigrants’ cultural practices such as honor killings, forced marriages, headscarves, female circumcision and homophobia create a sense of imminent threat and force progressive movements (e.g. feminists and gay movements) to forge unlikely alliances with right-wing groups against the insidious threat. These alliances are not, however, ephemeral mobilizations in defense of ‘common achievements’; the notion of common achievements creates a sense of cultural sameness vis-a-vis Muslims. Thus, what we see is the displacement of the internal frontiers and the creation of a new ‘hegemonic bloc’ around ‘common cultural values’. And this hegemonic displacement creates unresolvable tensions within feminist and queer movements.

doi:10.1177/1350506814532803.

http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1350506814532803.

Yılmaz, Ferruh. ‘Right-Wing Hegemony and Immigration: How the Populist Far-Right Achieved Hegemony through the Immigration Debate in Europe’. (2012)

Yilmaz, Ferruh. ‘Right-Wing Hegemony and Immigration: How the Populist Far-Right Achieved Hegemony through the Immigration Debate in Europe’. Current Sociology, vol. 60, no. 3, May 2012, pp. 368–381.

It is becoming increasingly clear that the debate on Islam and Muslim immigrants has moved into the center of European political discourse. The increasing volume of publications about the role of Islam in social, cultural and political spheres indicates that Islam is now a major political issue, often associated with the debate on terrorism and security. This article argues that the shift in focus should be understood as the result of a hegemonic shift that goes back to the mid-1980s when the populist farright intervened in the immigration debate in Europe. The far-right not only presented immigration as a cultural threat to the future of European nations but also succeeded in moving immigration to the center of political discourse. This was done through successive right-wing political interventions that helped establish Muslim immigrants as an incompatible ontological category predicated on culture, and kept the national focus on immigration as an imminent threat to ‘our common’ achievements.

doi:10.1177/0011392111426192.

Hellström, Anders, and Peter Hervik. ‘Feeding the Beast: Nourishing Nativist Appeals in Sweden and in Denmark’. (2014) [PDF]

Hellström, Anders, and Peter Hervik. ‘Feeding the Beast: Nourishing Nativist Appeals in Sweden and in Denmark’. Journal of International Migration and Integration, vol. 15, no. 3, Aug. 2014, pp. 449–467.

Sweden and Denmark share a similar socio-political structure, yet these two countries demonstrate two distinct discourses on immigration. This article focuses on the tone of the debate in Denmark and Sweden concerning immigration and national identity. If the tone of debate is shaped by a language of fear, we argue, this predisposes people to vote for anti-immigration parties. Our analysis highlights the position of anti-immigration parties; hence, the Sweden Democrats (SD) in Sweden and the Danish People’s Party (DPP) in Denmark. We use frame analysis to detect recurrent frames in the media debate concerning the SD and the DPP in the political competition over votes. Our material concentrates on the run-up to the European Parliamentary (EP) elections of 2004 and 2009, in total 573 articles in ten major Danish and Swedish newspapers. We show that the harsh tone of the debate and the negative dialogue risks leading to the construction of beasts that are impossible to negotiate with. In the Swedish political debate, the SD is highly stigmatized as the beast (the extreme other) in Swedish politics and this stigma is used by the SD in the mobilization of votes. In Denmark the religion of Islam as such plays a similar role and provides the DPP with an identity. We conclude that we are confronted with a two-faced beast that feeds on perceptions of the people as ultimately afraid of what are not recognized as native goods.

doi:10.1007/s12134-013-0293-5.

PDF: http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s12134-013-0293-5.

Datta Gupta, Nabanita, and Lene Kromann. ‘Differences in the Labor Market Entry of Second-Generation Immigrants and Ethnic Danes’.

Datta Gupta, Nabanita, and Lene Kromann. ‘Differences in the Labor Market Entry of Second-Generation Immigrants and Ethnic Danes’. IZA Journal of Migration, vol. 3, no. 1, Dec. 2014.

Our study is one of the first to take search friction and cross-firm differences in factor productivity into account when investigating firm behavior towards second-generation immigrants in Denmark. We ensure sub-sample homogeneity in search models by matching second-generation immigrants to their ethnic Danish twins according to parental characteristics and informal network quality. We find that second-generation immigrants with a high-school or primary school education, in particular females, perform as well or better than their ethnic counterparts. Second generation immigrants with vocational education, in particular males, face lower arrival rates when unemployed and higher layoff rates than those of their twins.

doi:10.1186/s40176-014-0016-5.

PDF: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40176-014-0016-5

Brändle, Verena K., Hans-Jörg Trenz, Freja Sørine Adler Berg, and Anna Sofie Rosenberg. ‘Solidarity Contestation in Danish Media: A National Escape from Transnational Crisis’. (2018) [PDF]

Brändle, Verena K., Hans-Jörg Trenz, Freja Sørine Adler Berg, and Anna Sofie Rosenberg. ‘Solidarity Contestation in Danish Media: A National Escape from Transnational Crisis’. Integrated Report on Transnational Solidarity in the Public Domain (WP5), 2018, 165–192,

PDF: http://transsol.eu/files/2018/05/deliverable-5-1.pdf. http://transsol.eu/files/2018/05/deliverable-5-1.pdf.